G: Nonviolent Action in Social Movements
People Power and Protest since 1945: a bibliography of nonviolent action
compiled by April Carter, Howard Clark and Michael Randle
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Section G: Nonviolent Action in Social Movements
- G. Nonviolent Action in Social Movements
- a. National/Area Studies
- b. Transnational Issues and Campaigns
- 1. The New Left and Student Movements, 1960s
- 2. Resistance to the Vietnam War, 1961-73
- 3. Peace Movements Since 1945
- a. General: National and Transnational Movements
- b. Pacifist Protest, Conscientious Objection and Draft Resistance
- c. Opposition to Nuclear Weapons since the 1950s
- d. Campaigns against Specific Wars or Acts of Aggression (excluding Vietnam)
- e. Protests Against Militarism
- 4. Feminist Protest since the 1960s
- 5. Green Campaigns since the 1970s
- 6. Campaigns for Indigenous Rights since the 1960s
- 7. Global Justice Movement Against Global Neoliberalism and Multinational Corporations
- a. General
- b. Resistance to International Economic Organizations
- c. Resistance to Multinational Corporations
- d. Resistance by Small Farmers
- e. Zapatistas and Other Indigenous Resistance in Mexico
This section covers a wide range of movements resorting to nonviolent action as part of their strategy. Most of the protests date from the 1960s or later and many (especially the campaigns against nuclear weapons, the green movement and feminism) have been categorized as ‘new social movements’. There is a burgeoning literature on social movements, much of it with a strong theoretical slant, but which, as Kurt Schock (A.I) has cogently argued, tends to ignore scholarship on nonviolence. This bibliography does not attempt to cover the theoretical debates, but lists a few of the well known texts where they bear on particular campaigns and examples of nonviolent action. For a discussion of methods see:
626. Rucht, Dieter, ‘The strategies and action repertoires of New Movements’ in Dalton, Russell J and Manfred Kuechler, Challenging the Political Order: New Social and Political Movements in Western Democracies, Cambridge, Polity, 1990, pp. 156-75.
627. Brierley, John et al (eds.), Gathering Visions, Gathering Strength, Bradford and London, GVGS Publishing Group and Peace News, 1998, pp. 39.
Report of conference of that title bringing together nonviolent activists from different campaigns and different generations.
628. Burgmann, Verity, Power and Protest: Movements for Change in Australian Society, St Leonards, New South Wales, Allen and Unwin, 1993, pp. 302. See also: Burgmann, Verity, Power, Profit amd Protest: Australian Social Movements and Globalisation, Crows Nest NSW, Allen and Unwin, 2003, pp. 393.
629. Escobar, Arturo and Sinia E. Alvarez (eds.), The Making of Social Movements in Latin America: Identity, Strategy and Democracy, Boulder CO, Westview Press, 1992, pp. 383.
Essays on conceptualizing and understanding social movements in Latin American context, as well as indigenous, peasant and urban protests, and on feminist and ecology movements. See also: Oxhorn, P. ‘From human rights to citizenship rights: Recent trends in the study of Latin American social movements’, Latin American Research Review, vol. 36 no. 3 (2001), pp. 163-82.
630. Routledge, Paul, Terrains of Resistance: Nonviolent Social Movements and the Contestation of Place in India, Westport CT, Praeger, 1993, pp. 170.
The theoretical emphasis of this book is on the spatial components to sites of resistance. Chapter one looks at the developing resistance to aspects of economic development (industrialization, dams, deforestation) and the numerous movements since independence among tribal people, peasants, women and squatters. Chapters 3 and 4 analyse the Baliapal Movement against a missile testing range and the Chipko Movement against logging.
631. Tracy, James, Direct Action: Radical Pacifism from the Union Eight to the Chicago Seven,
Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1996, pp. 196.
Examines how a small group of radical pacifists (such as David Dellinger, A.J. Muste and Bayard Rustin) played a major role in the rebirth of US radicalism
and social protest in the 1950s and 1960s, applying nonviolence to social issues and developing an experimental protest style.
There are several edited collections (in addition to those already listed under A.1.) which include relevant essays:
632. Cohen, Robin and Shirin M. Rai, Global Social Movements, London, Athlone
Press, 2000, pp. 231.
Essays examining aspects of indigenous peoples’, women’s, labour, religious and Islamic
movements, as well as human rights, environmental and peace movements.
633. Della Porta, Donatella and Sidney Tarrow (eds.), Transnational Protest and Global Activism, Lanham MD, Rowman and Littlefield, 2005, pp. 287.
Collection of essays exploring globalization and its varying impact on social movements, comparing today’s movements with earlier movements and examining specific examples.
634. Edwards, Michael and John Gaventa, Global Citizen Action, London, Earthscan Publications, 2001, pp. 327.
Discusses transnational civil society, its impact on international financial institutions and a range of specific campaigns, e.g. to ban landmines, Jubilee 2000, campaigns against corporations.
The ideas of the New Left and the wave of student protests in the western world in the 1960s are closely linked, although student protests often had specific national characteristics. In general, however, students protested against the intrusion of military and corporate interests into the academic world and heavy-handed university bureaucracy, as well as about wider human rights and anti-militarist issues – West German student protests began with opposition to the repressive regime of the Shah of Iran. In the USA student protest was closely linked to the Civil Rights movement, in Britain (in the later 1950s and early 1960s) to the campaign against nuclear weapons, and in France to resisting the authoritarianism of the Gaullist regime. Students in many parts of the world, especially the USA, Japan and Australia, became in the later 1960s key participants in the resistance to the Vietnam War.
The impetus behind the New Left was an attempt to chart an alternative both to western corporate and consumerist capitalism and the oppressive bureaucratic regimes of the Soviet bloc. Early US experiments, associated with Students for a Democratic Society, stressed community, participatory democracy and social justice. The New Left looked for inspiration to non-authoritarian strands in earlier socialism, and was also influenced by the development of the 1960s counter culture and the hippies. By the end of the 1960s the polarization encouraged by the escalation of the Vietnam War and the influence of various far-left groups created divisions, pushing some New Leftists towards more extreme and sectarian leftist positions and/or support for North Vietnam. A very small minority, in the USA, West Germany and Italy, decided to go underground and adopt guerrilla tactics.
The New Left was primarily a western phenomenon, but New Left ideas and student activism had repercussions in both Czechoslovakia, where students were prominent in the protests leading to the Prague Spring, and in Yugoslavia in 1968. (For these protests see relevant country subsections under C.) There was also a significant New Left student movement in Japan which engaged in university occupations 1965-70, opposed the US-Japan 1960 Security Treaty, and had a guerrilla wing, the Red Army. See:
635. McCormack, Gavan, ‘The student left in Japan’, New Left Review, no. 65 (January/ February 1971), pp. 37-53.
636. Caute, David, Sixty Eight: The Year of the Barricades, London, Hamilton, 1988, pp. 464. (Published in USA as The Year of the Barricades: A Journey Through 1968, New York, Harper and Row.)
637. Cockburn, Alexander and Robin Blackburn (eds.), Student Power: Problems, Diagnosis, Action, Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1969, pp. 378.
A survey reflecting the standpoint of New Left Review, which includes general political analysis and particular examples of confrontation. Fred Halliday’s chapter ‘Students of the world unite’ briefly covers a range of international campaigns.
638. Fraser, Ronald, 68 – A Generation in Revolt, London, Chatto and Windus, 1988, pp. 370.
An oral history focusing on the student protests.
639. Young, Nigel, An Infantile Disorder? The Crisis and Decline of the New Left, London, Routledge, 1977, pp. 490.
A history and analysis focusing primarily on the American New Left, critical of many of the developments in 1968 and afterwards, from a pacifist and nonaligned perspective.
See also: Harman, The Fire Last Time, Part 1 covers transnational student protests of 1968 and New Left, and
Part II later developments, by an activist in the Socialist Workers’ Party (D.III.Introduction).
640. Oxford University Socialist Discussion Group, Out of Apathy: Voices of the New Left 30 years On, London, Verso, 1989.
See Stuart Hall, ‘The “First” New Left, Life and times’, pp. 11-38; Michael Rustin, ‘The New Left as a social movement’, pp. 115-28.
641. Widgery, David, The Left in Britain, Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1976, pp. 549.
642. Posner, Charles (ed.), Reflections on the Revolution in France: 1968, Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1970, pp. 318.
Essays by French participants and left wing intellectuals on the key protests, organizations and strategy of the movement, its social context and lessons to be drawn.
643. Seale, Patrick and Maureen McConville, French Revolution 1968, Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1968, pp. 238.
Account and analysis by two Observer correspondents who witnessed the May Events.
644. Becker, Jill, Hitler’s Children: The Story of the Baader-Meinhof Gang, London, Michael
Joseph, 1977 (and Granada, revised edition 1978)
This is primarily an account of leftwing urban guerrilla warfare in West Germany, but Part 1, pp. 25-75, covers the evolution of the German New Left from 1965-68, from which the small Baader-Meinhof group sprang.
645. Hunnius, F.C., Student Revolts: The New Left in West Germany, London, War Resisters’ International, 1968, pp. 40.
646. Jacobs, Paul and Saul Landau, The New Radicals: A Report with Documents, Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1966, pp. 331.
Sympathetic account of early New Left. Most of the book is composed of a wide range of documents indicating ideas and organizations involved, in particular
Students for a Democratic Society, black voter registration, the Berkeley Free Speech Movement and anti-Vietnam War campaigns. Also includes chronology of key events.
647. Lipset, Seymour Martin and Sheldon S. Wolin (eds.), The Berkeley Student Revolt:
Facts and Interpretation, New York, Doubleday, 1965, pp. 585.
Documents on and analyses of a key campaign in the evolution of the New Left, which lasted from September 1964 to January 1965, compiled by academics at Berkeley.
648. Newfield, Jack, A Prophetic Minority: The American New Left, London, Anthony Blond, 1967.
Survey of evolution of New Left up to 1965 by a participant.
649. Sale, Kirkpatrick, SDS, New York, Random House, 1973, pp. 752.
Traces history of Students for a Democratic Society from its emergence out of the Student League for Industrial Democracy in 1960 to its demise in 1970. Major focus on SDS campaigns against the Vietnam War, including the 1965 March on Washington.
650. Slate, W.M. (ed.), Power to the People: New Left Writings, New York, Tower Publications, 1970.
Selection of writings by activists and theorists of the New Left. The chapter by Carl Oglesby, ‘Notes on a decade ready for the dustbin’, pp. 99-130, charts the evolution of the New Left throughout the 1960s and the turn towards more violent protest.
The evolution of the US-led war in Vietnam was complex. To understand events in Indo-China it is necessary to go back to 1945, when Japanese occupation of the area ended. The Communist-led guerrillas under Ho Chi Minh then established an independent state, whilst the French attempted to restore their former colonial empire and took control of South Vietnam. The French were decisively defeated by the Communist Vietminh forces in 1954 at the battle of Dien Bien Phu, and withdrew. But the US took over support for a South Vietnamese anti-communist state, and the international agreement about the future of Vietnam, reached at the Geneva Conference of 1954, was ignored. As the South Vietnamese
government struggled to resist internal guerrilla opposition by the National Liberation Front (‘Vietcong’), and increasing pressure from
North Vietnam, the US government supplied military ‘advisors’, and from 1963 sent increasing numbers of US troops. The Australian government
also agreed to send troops to Vietnam. In 1965 the USA began to bomb North Vietnam.
Resistance to the US role in the war (initiated largely by pacifists from 1961) became widespread in 1965, when the first teach-ins were held, both in the USA and around the world. Opposition was especially strong in Australia, where there was resistance to the draft, and in Japan, where people feared being drawn into the war. Canadians became involved in offering refuge to U.S. draft resisters. Protests against the war in countries not directly involved often took the form of marches and confrontations outside US embassies. In the USA itself, in addition to frequent large demonstrations and student direct action against the military presence on campuses, there was also widespread draft resistance (e.g. burning draft cards) and acts of solidarity with draft resisters. Resistance also grew inside the armed forces, and led to public protest and acts of defiance, and also to desertions.
US bombing, and dropping of chemicals to defoliate the Ho Chi Minh trail, spread beyond Vietnam to Laos. Even more controversially, the USA under Nixon began in 1969 an undeclared war of bombing and military incursions against what it claimed were North Vietnamese/National Liberation Front bases in neutral Cambodia. This secret war destabilized Prince Sihanouk who was eventually ousted in a military coup. After the US Administration launched an invasion of Cambodia in spring 1970, without consulting Congress, opposition increased dramatically – about a third of colleges and universities were closed down by mass protests. At Kent State university in Ohio confrontation between the students and the National
Guard led to four students being shot dead.
There is a large literature on the origins and development of the French and then American wars in Indo-China. See:
651. Charlton, Michael and Anthony Moncrieff, Many Reasons Why: The American Involvement in Vietnam, London, Scolar Press, 1978, pp. 250.
Based on BBC series of programmes and consisting primarily of interviews with wide range of those involved in first French and then US policy on Vietnam, and individuals prominent in opposition. Covers period 1945-1975. Chapters 7 and 8 discuss protests inside USA and the leaking by Daniel Ellsberg of The Pentagon Papers, which revealed in detail secret internal policy making.
652. McCarthy, Mary, Vietnam, Harmondsworth, Penguin Books, 1968, pp. 119.
Mary McCarthy’s influential account of her visit to Vietnam, in which she argued that the US was fighting a war it could not win, and called for withdrawal.
653. Shawcross, William, Side Show: Kissinger, Nixon and the Destruction of Cambodia, London, Andre Deutsch, 1979; Fontana 1980, pp. 467.
Detailed analysis of the evolution of the US war on Cambodia.
654. Sheehan, Neil et al., The Pentagon Papers as published by the New York Times, New York, Bantam Books, 1971, pp. 677.
655. Wintle, Justin, The Vietnam Wars, London, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1991, pp. 202.
A brief history and analysis of the wars in Vietnam from the 1945 declaration of independence to the US withdrawal in 1973.
656. Arrowsmith, Pat, To Asia in Peace: The Story of a Non-Violent Action Mission to Indo-China, London, Sidgwick and Jackson, 1972, pp. 188.
Account by participants in British team demonstrating opposition to US war in Vietnam and its extension to Cambodia. The team planned to share the hazards of US bombing in the hope of deterring it. They were received in Cambodia (but not North Vietnam); some later demonstrated at a US base in Thailand.
657. Dumbrell, John (ed.), Vietnam and the Antiwar Movement: An International Perspective, Aldershot, Avebury, 1989, pp. 182.
Chapters include: ‘Kent State: How the war in Vietnam became a war at home’; ‘Congress and the anti-war movement’; ‘US presidential campaigns in the Vietnam era’; ‘Opposing the war in Vietnam – the Australian experience’; ‘Vietnam war resisters in Quebec’; ‘Anger and after -Britain’s CND and the Vietnam war’.
658. Feinberg, Abraham L., Hanoi Diary, Ontario, Longmans, 1968, pp. 258.
Rabbi Feinberg’s account of his participation in a mission to North Vietnam in 1966-67 to investigate and publicize the effects of the US bombing. The other participants in the mission were the veteran US pacifist A.J. Muste, Rev. Martin Niemoeller, incarcerated in Dachau during part of World War II for opposing Hitler, and Rt Rev Ambrose Reeves, former Bishop of Johannesburg, exiled for speaking out against apartheid.
659. Weiss, Peter and Ken Coates (eds.), Prevent the Crime of Silence. Reports from the sessions of the International War Crimes Tribunal founded by Bertrand Russell, London, Allen Lane, 1971, pp. 384.
See also: Young, An Infantile Disorder, frequent references to New Left opposition to war in US and UK, including critique in chapter 9 ‘Vietnam and alignment’, pp. 16388 (G.1.a.), and Prasad, War is a Crime Against Humanity: the Story of War Resisters’ International, pp. 371-385, (G.3.a) which also includes in full the eloquent WRI Statement on Wars of Liberation.
660. Forward, R and B. Reece, Conscription in Australia, Brisbane, University of Queensland Press, 1968.
See chapter 4, ‘Conscription, 1964-1968’.
661. Hammel-Greene, M.E., ‘The resisters: A history of the anti-conscription movement 1964-1972’ in P. King, (ed.), Australia’s Vietnam, Sydney, Allen and Unwin, 1983.
662. Noone, Val, Disturbing the War: Melbourne Catholics and Vietnam, Richmond VIC, Australia
Spectrum, 1993, pp. 333.
663. Summy, Ralph V., ‘Militancy and the Australian peace movement 1960-67’, Politics
(Journal of the Australasian Studies Association), vol. 5 no 2 (November 1970).
664. York, Barry, ‘Power to the young’ in Verity Burgmann and Jenny Lee (eds.), Staining
the Wattle: A People’s History of Australia, Ringwood VIC, McPhee Gribble/ Penguin Books, 1988, pp. 228-42.
Opposition to the war within South Vietnam was dramatized in particular by Buddhist monks, but students and academics also protested.
665. Halberstam, David, The Making of a Quagmire, London, The Bodley Head, 1965, pp. 323. Includes helpful information on the Buddhist resistance in 1963, see especially pp. 194-243, though there are some factual errors.
666. Roberts, Adam, ‘Buddhism and politics in South Vietnam’, World Today, vol. 21
no. 6 (June 1965), pp. 240-50.
Account of the 1963 Buddhist revolt, its origins and aftermath. See also later article by Roberts assessing the political potential of the Buddhists, ‘The Buddhists, the war and the Vietcong’, World Today, vol. 22 no. 5 (May 1966), pp. 214-22.
667. Thich Nhat Hanh, Lotus in a Sea of Fire, New York, Hill and Wang, 1967, pp. 128.
Puts Buddhist case.
668. Wirmark, Bo, The Buddhists in Vietnam: An Alternative View of the War – Introduction by
Daniel Berrigan, Brussels, War Resisters’ International, 1974, pp. 40.
669. Bannan, John F. and Rosemary Bannan, Law, Morality and Vietnam: The Peace Militants and the Courts, Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 1974, pp. 241.
Explores the conflict between law and morality, and case for civil disobedience, with reference mainly to six well known prosecutions, including that of the Fort Hood Three (GIs who refused to be posted to Vietnam), Dr Spock and others in 1967-68 charged with conspiracy to violate draft laws, and Daniel and Philip Berrigan and five others who burnt draft files at Catonsville in 1968.
670. De Benedetti, Charles (with Charles Chatfield as assisting editor), The Antiwar Movement of the Vietnam Era, Syracuse NY, Syracuse University Press, 1990, pp. 495.
Detailed and well researched account of the movement. Includes a final chapter by Charles Chatfield analysing the strengths and weaknesses of the movement and the ways in which it influenced US policy. Concludes that anti-war activists contributed to the growth of public disaffection with the war but could not harness it, but that both Johnson and Nixon Administrations adapted their policies in response to pressure from dissenters.
671. Berrigan, Daniel, America is Hard to Find, London, S.P.C.K., 1973, pp. 191.
Poems, articles and letters from prison by Catholic radical priest who, with his brother Philip, was among the most persistent critics of the Vietnam war and American militarism, and pioneered the direct action ‘Plowshares’ campaigns in the USA.
672. Boardman, Elizabeth Jelinek, The Phoenix Trip: Notes on a Quaker Mission to Haiphong, Burnsville NC, Celo Press, 1985, pp. 174.
Diary of a participant in this defiance of the US prohibition on taking supplies to the Democratic Republic of Vietnam.
673. Boyle, Richard, The Flower of the Dragon: The Breakdown of the US Army in Vietnam, San Francisco CA, Ramparts Press, 1972, pp. 283.
Traces the growth of disillusionment with the war amongst American GIs and the increasingly militant opposition to it within the US forces.
674. Chatfield, Charles, ‘Ironies of protest: Interpreting the American anti-Vietnam war movement’ in Guido Gruenewald and Peter Van den Dungen (eds.), Twentieth Century Peace Movements, Lewiston NY, Edwin Mellen Press, 1995, pp.
Argues that the radical left never had a cohesive centre and that when the movement appeared at its most confrontational, its liberal wing was working more effectively within the political system. Suggests the movement became associated with social and cultural iconoclasm, which appealed to section of the middle classes, but the broader public eventually opposed both the war and the antiwar protest, because ‘both seemed to threaten the established social order’.
675. Ferber, Michael and Staughton Lynd, The Resistance, Boston, Beacon Press, 1971, pp. 300.
Chronicles the history of the radical wing engaged in collective burning of draft cards and other acts of defiance. Suggests that few thought draft resistance would affect the operational ability to prosecute the war, but activists did believe in its political impact. Cites columnist Walter Lippmann, who concluded that this was the first 20th century US war ‘when it was fashionable not to go to war and entirely acceptable to avoid it’.
676. Foner, Philip S., American Labor and the Indochina War: The Growth of Union Opposition, New York, International Publishers, 1971, pp. 126. (New version entitled US Labor and the Vietnam War issued 1989.)
Traces the emergence of (belated) trade union opposition from a November 1967 conference in Chicago, attended by 523 trade unionists from 38 states and 63 international unions, which established the trade union division of the peace organization SANE. Includes a chapter on Labour-Student alliances.
677. Halstead, Fred, Out Now! A Participant’s Account of the American Movement Against the Vietnam War, New York, Monad Press, 1978, pp. 759.
Traces the rise of the anti-Vietnam war movement, including accounts of the ideological and institutional rivalries between organizations, and covers all the major demonstrations and civil disobedience actions from the Students for a Democratic Society March on Washington in 1965 to US withdrawal from Vietnam in 1973.
678. Kasinsky, Renee Goldsmith, Refugees from Militarism: Draft Age Americans in Canada, New Brunswick NJ, Transaction Books, 1976, pp. 301.
Study of the lives and problems of draft resisters in Canada.
679. Lifton, Robert Jay, Home from the War: Vietnam Veterans, Neither Victims Nor Executioners, London, Wildwood Press, 1974, pp. 474.
Study by a psychiatrist of plight of anti-war Vietnam veterans. Includes accounts of some of their campaigning activities to expose the nature of the war and demand US withdrawal.
680. Lynd, Alice, We Won’t Go: Personal Accounts of War Objectors, Boston, Beacon Press,
1988, pp. 332.
Deals with conscientious objection in US during the Vietnam war, 1961-1975.
681. Menashe, Louis and Ronald Radosh, Teach-ins, U.S.A.: Reports, Opinions, Documents, New York, Praeger, 1967, pp. 349.
Records how the Teach-In movement began modestly in a mid-West campus in 1965 but spread across the country, engaging many students and professors, and released a vast quantity of material about the Vietnam war.
682. Powers, Thomas, The War at Home: Vietnam and the American People, 19641968, Boston MA, G.K. Hall, 1984, pp. 348.
Argues that every kind of opposition to the war had some effect, but in general those methods that cost the most in a personal sense worked best. However, these sacrifices had most impact the first time or two, before the public came to accept and then ignore them. Concludes that opposition to the war did not cause its failure, but forced the government to recognize the failure.
683. Simons, Donald L., I Refuse: Memories of a Vietnam War Objector, Trenton NJ, Broken Rifle Press, 1997, pp. 184.
A personal account which includes a brief summary of the course of the war and statistics on the scale of draft resistance and desertion.
684. Small, Melvin, Covering Dissent: The Media and the Anti-Vietnam War Movement, New Brunswick
NJ, Rutgers University Press, 1994, pp. 228.
685. Small, Melvin, Johnson, Nixon and the Doves, New Brunswick NJ and London, Rutgers University Press, 1988, pp. 319.
Focus on the presidents and their relationship with the Vietnam anti-war movements between 1961 and 1975.
686. Taylor, Clyde, Vietnam and Black America, New York, Anchor Books, 1993, pp. 335.
Includes essays, articles and poems by black opponents of the war, including Martin Luther King, James Baldwin, and (in a section ‘The Black Soldier’) extracts from the diaries of black GIs and the Statement of Aims of ‘GIs United Against the War in Vietnam’. Taylor notes how the advice to African Americans from some leaders to ‘prove themselves worthy’ by taking part in the war in Vietnam became increasingly discredited.
687. Unseem, Michael, Conscription, Protest and Social Conflict: The Life and Death of a Draft Resistance Movement, New York, John Wiley, 1973, pp. 329.
A history and critical assessment of ‘The Resistance’ (to the draft) during the Vietnam war. The author argues that it failed to reach the necessary size to affect the viability of the draft, partly because it had little appeal to working class youth.
See also: Sale, SDS (G.1.e).
This section covers a wide range of campaigns against war, weapons and bases. It focuses particularly on protest in the West or countries allied to the West, but some issues such as nuclear testing have prompted opposition in the affected region (especially the Pacific). Other wars, such as those which broke up Yugoslavia, have prompted groups within the combatant countries to protest.
This section does not include the autonomous peace campaigns which began to emerge in the Soviet bloc in the 1980s (see Section C); resistance to war and internal repression in South Africa, or Israeli resistance to service in the Occupied Territories (see Section D) – although these may be referred to in surveys of conscientious objection under G.3.b.ii.
688. Brock, Peter and Nigel Young, Pacifism in the Twentieth Century, Syracuse NY, Syracuse University Press, 1999, pp. 434. Revised and updated version of Peter Brock, Twentieth Century Pacifism, 1970, Van Nostrand Reinhold.
History of opposition to war drawing primarily on US and British experience, but including material on Gandhi and the later Gandhian movement, assessments of the position of conscientious objectors in many parts of the world, and references to transnational organizations, e.g. the War Resisters’ International. Although the focus is on pacifism, the book includes material on the role of pacifists in the nuclear disarmament and anti-Vietnam War movements.
689. Bussey, Gertrude and Margaret Tims, Pioneers for Peace: Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom 1915-1965, London, WILPF British Section, 1980, pp. 255.
History of first 50 years of transnational body campaigning against war and for disarmament, which opposed NATO and nuclear weapons, was active (especially in the US) in resisting the Vietnam War and promotes social justice and reconciliation.
690. Carter, April, Peace Movements: International Protest and World Politics Since 1945, London, Longman, 1992, pp. 283.
Particular focus on European and North American movements against nuclear weapons in the 1950s-60s and 1980s and East European responses in the 1980s. But other nuclear disarmament protests, peace campaigns on other issues and nonviolent initiatives in other parts of the world are indicated more briefly.
691. Flessati, Valerie, Pax: The History of a Catholic Peace Society in Britain 1936-1971, University of Bradford, PhD Thesis, 1991, pp. 535 (in 2 vols). Detailed historical study of both Pax and the Catholic element in the British peace movement. Pax from the outset opposed war under modern conditions as contrary to traditional just war teaching, a stance underlined by the development of nuclear weapons. Influenced Catholic thinking about modern war and the decision of the Second Vatican Council to recognize the right to conscientious objection and to call upon states to make provision for it.
692. Gress, David, Peace and Survival: West Germany, the Peace Movement and European Security, Stanford CA, Hoover Institution Press, 1985, pp. 266.
693. Howorth, Jolyon and Patricia Chilton (eds.), Defence and Dissent in Contemporary France, London, Croom Helm, 1984, pp. 264.
Part 1 covers France’s defence policy since 1945 – including the wars in Indo-China and Algeria, and De Gaulle’s decision (supported by the major political parties) to develop a French nuclear bomb. Part 2 focuses on anti-nuclear critiques and movements in the 1980s, including a military critique of French defence policy by Admiral Sanguinetti and Claude Bourdet on the ‘The rebirth of the peace movement’.
694. Locke, Elsie, Peace People – A History of Peace Activity in New Zealand, Christchurch and Melbourne, Hazard Press, 1992, pp. 335.
Chronicles peace activities in New Zealand from Maori time and early colonial settlement to the anti-Vietnam war movement and anti-nuclear campaigns of the 1960s and 1970s. Includes accounts of the direct action protests against French nuclear tests in 1972.
695. Meaden, Bernadette, Protesting for Peace, Glasgow, Wild Goose Publications, 1999, pp. 151. Sympathetic coverage of a wide range of campaigns in Britain – Greenham Common, Trident Ploughshares, the arms trade, British troops in Northern Ireland, US bases, the ‘peace tax’, and opposition to the (first) Gulf War.
696. Pacific Women Speak-Out for Independence and Denuclearisation, Christchurch, Women’s International Legaue for Peace and Freedom, 1998, pp. 80.
Indigenous women from Australia, Aotearoa (New Zealand), Belau, Bougainville, East Timor, Ka Pa’aina (Hawaii), the Marshall Islands, Te Ao Maohi (French Polynesia) and West Papua (Irian Jaya) condemn imperialism, war, ‘nuclear imperialism’ (in the form of nuclear tests) and military bases in the hope ‘that when people around the world learn what is happening in the Pacific they will be inspired to stand beside them and to act’. The book is a contribution to the Hague Appeal for Peace, 1999.
697. Peace, Roger C., A Just and Lasting Peace: The US Peace Movement from the Cold War to Desert Storm, Chicago IL, The Noble Press, 1991, pp. 345.
Peace, a writer/activist, documents the growth of the peace and justice movement in the US, with particular focus on the 1980s. Areas covered include anti-nuclear campaigning and campaigns for justice in Latin America. Discusses also debates and controversies within the movement.
698. Prasad, Devi, War is a Crime Against Humanity: The Story of War Resisters’ International, London, War Resisters’ International, 2005, pp. 560. A history of the first 50 plus years of the organization (1921-1973).
699. Taylor, Richard and Nigel Young (eds.), Campaigns for Peace: British Peace Movements in the Twentieth Century, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1987, pp. 308.
Collection of analytical and descriptive essays spanning period from late 19th century to 1980s, but the main focus is on post-World War II movement against nuclear weapons. Michael Randle assesses ‘Nonviolent direct action in the 1950s and 1960s’, pp. 131-61.
Much of the information about peace protest and nonviolent direct action is to be found in movement newsletters or journals, though some of these are transient. Long-running peace periodicals are:
Peace News, London, which has transnational interests but particularly covers Britain; The Nonviolent Activist (since 1984) and Fellowship in the USA. The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, although primarily a socially concerned journal covering scientific and strategic issues, has carried articles on peace campaigns. Peace and Change (published by Sage) is an academic journal which examines peace campaigns and activity.
Conscientious objection to taking part in or supporting war has for a long time been associated in the west with particular religious beliefs. Since the Reformation protestant groups such as the Quakers, Anabaptists, Mennonites and Dukhobors have consistently refused military service. In past centuries some emigrated from Europe or Russia to North America to avoid conscription.
In the 20th century, although religious objectors to military service, such as Jehovah’s Witnesses, have played a heroic role in resisting enforced military service in dictatorships, and a small but significant Catholic pacifist movement has also developed, there has been a growth of individual conscientious objection based on humanist beliefs. There have also been significant movements based on socialist or anarchist objections to capitalist wars, and major campaigns against participation in wars viewed as imperialist, racist, aggressive, illegal under international law or in any other way unjust. Many western states, especially since the end of the cold war, no longer require general conscription, but reservists or serving soldiers have also sometimes refused to take part in a particular war – as for example in the 1991 Gulf War.
Liberal democratic states have increasingly recognized the right to be a conscientious objector (CO) – and this has been reflected by many intergovernmental bodies, including the UN Human Rights Commission – and gradually extended the definition of conscience beyond religious beliefs. But militant resisters have rejected recognition of the state’s right to demand alternative civilian service, and have committed themselves to total resistance. Open draft resistance has often occurred alongside draft evasion – many young US citizens crossed the border into Canada during the Vietnam War – and desertion from the forces. One important role for organized peace groups, nationally and transnationally, has been to provide legal information, advice and support.
Refusing military service is limited to those of military age and until very recently has been limited to young men, but some have also seen conscientious refusal to pay taxes for war as a relevant form of protest. Moreover, in national campaigns against particular wars, prominent individuals have encouraged defiance of the draft or even desertion by signing subversive manifestoes, or have taken direct action at recruitment offices. Some examples of conscientious objection and draft resistance have been covered in sections above, see for example C (where
antimilitarist opposition to Communist regimes has been included), D (South Africa and Israel), and G.2 (Movement Against the Vietnam War).
There is a large literature on pacifism, much of it not directly relevant here. Selective references dealing with pacifist beliefs, with transnational and national organizations and campaigns against conscription, with the experiences of COs and draft resisters, and analyses of the legal position are listed below. We also include a couple of references to just war theory, influential in opposition to many wars, but critical of pure pacifism.
700. American Friends Service Committee, Speak Truth to Power: A Quaker Search for an Alternative to Violence, Philadelphia PA, AFSC, 1955, pp. 71.
Manifesto outlining a nonviolent approach to international politics and social change. Influenced the thinking of radical direct actionists in the US and Britain.
701. Ceadel, Martin, Thinking about Peace and War, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1987, pp. 222.
A frequently cited analysis and classification of different ways of thinking about war, which examines 5 ‘ideal types’ of ‘militarism’, ‘crusading’, ‘defencism’, ‘pacific-ism’ (representing many ideological and organizational strands within peace movements), and ‘pacifism’.
702. Childress, James F., Moral Responsibility in Conflicts: Essays on Nonviolence, War and Conflict, Baton Rouge, Louisiana State University Press, 1982, pp. 224.
Includes chapters on conscientious objection and Reinhold Niebuhr on violent and nonviolent methods.
703. Hentoff, Nat (ed.), The Essays of A.J. Muste, New York, Simon and Schuster, 1967, pp. 515.
Essays on revolution, nonviolence and pacifism by a key figure on US radical/pacifist left, from 1905 to 1966, commenting in later essays on conscientious objection, opposition to French nuclear tests in Africa, the Civil Rights movement and the opposition to the Vietnam War.
704. Mayer, Peter (ed.), The Pacifist Conscience, Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1966, pp. 447.
Collection of writings on war, pacifism and nonviolence from 500 BC to 1960 AD, but emphasis on more modern figures, such as William Lloyd Garrison, Thoreau, Tolstoy, Gandhi, Simone Weil and Albert Camus. Includes also Martin Buber’s criticism of Gandhi for advocating nonviolent resistance by Jews to Hitler, and Reinhold Niebuhr’s reasons for leaving the (pacifist) Fellowship of Reconciliation.
705. Merton, Thomas, The Nonviolent Alternative, ed. Gordon C. Zahn, New York, Farrar Strauss Giroux, 1980, pp. 270.
Collection of essays by well-know Catholic thinker on war, peace and nonviolence.
706. Teichman, Jenny, Pacifism and the Just War: A Study in Applied Philosophy, Oxford, Blackwell, 1986, pp. 138.
Discussion of pacifist theory and major objections to it from a just war perspective.
707. Unnithan, T.K.N. and Yogendra Singh, Traditions of Nonviolence, New Delhi and London, Arnold-Heinemann, 1973, pp. 317.
Examines nonviolent traditions in Hindu, Chinese, Islamic and Judeo-Christian thought.
708. Walzer, Michael, Just and Unjust Wars: A Moral Argument with Historical Illustrations, Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1980, pp. 359.
Highly regarded interpretation of just war theory. See also his earlier essays on war and disobedience, including an essay on conscientious objection in: Obligations: Essays on Disobedience, War and Citizenship, Cambridge MA, Harvard University Press, 1970, pp. 244.
709. Amnesty International, Out of the Margins: The Right to Conscientious Objection to Military Service in Europe, London, Amnesty, 1997, pp. 61.
Surveys provisions for conscientious objection to military service, and expresses particular concern in relation to treatment of COs in some countries. Recommends the release of all COs in prison, that all member states of EU and Council of Europe reexamine their legislation regarding conscientious objection, and that the EU include in the criteria for membership the recognition of conscientious objection and provisions for alternative service ‘of non-punitive length’.
710. Biesemans, Sam, The Right to Conscientious Objection and the European Parliament, Brussels, European Board for Conscientious Objection, 1995, pp. 109.
Urges incorporation of right to conscientious objection in national constitutions, and the European Convention of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms.
711. Blatt, Martin, Uri Davis and Paul Kleinbaum (eds.), Dissent and Ideology in Israel: Resistance to the Draft, 1948-1973, London, Ithaca Press for Housmans Bookshop, WRI, Middle East Research Group (MERAG) and Lansbury House Trust Fund, 1975, pp. 194.
Accounts by Israeli conscientious objectors of their experience and the reasons for their stance. Editors relate these to a critique of Zionism.
712. Braithwaite, Constance, with Geoffrey Braithwaite, Conscientious Objection to Compulsions Under the Law, York, William Sessions, 1995, pp. 421.
History of conscientious objection to compliance with various legal provisions involving compulsion of citizens, including taking of oaths, vaccination and religious education. Chapter on ethical and political problems related to conscientious objections takes the form of imaginary dialogue between author and a critic of her thesis.
713. Brock, Peter, ‘These Strange Criminals’: An Anthology of Prison Memoirs by Conscientious Objectors from the Great War to the Cold War, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 2004, pp. 505.
Anthology of prison memoirs by conscientious objectors from World War I to the Cold War. Contributions from Britain, Canada, New Zealand and the USA.
714. Evans, Cecil, The Claims of Conscience: Quakers and Conscientious Objection to Taxation for Military Purposes, London, Quaker Home Service, 1966, pp. 51.
715. Fifth International Conference on War Tax Resistance and Peace Tax Campaigns and Founding Assembly of Conscience and Peace Tax International: Hondarribia, September 16-19 1994, Pamplona-Irunea, Asamblea de Objecion Fiscal de Navarra, 1994, pp. 111.
Text of contributions, workshop reports and summaries of discussions. Conscience and Peace Tax International was established in Brussels as a non-profit association under Belgian law.
716. Flynn, Eileen P, My Country Right or Wrong: Selective Conscientious Objection in
the Nuclear Age, Chicago, Loyola University Press, 1985, pp. 98.
Discusses varieties of conscientious objection, from pacifist objection to all wars, selective objection to particular wars considered unjust and objection to indiscriminate and, most notably, nuclear warfare. Includes a discussion of just war principles.
717. Horeman, Bart and Marc Stolwijk, Refusing to Bear Arms: A World Survey of Conscription and Conscientious Objection to Military Service, War Resisters' International, 1998, pp. 310. (Ringbinder format for ease of update.) Foreword Devi Prasad.
The most authoritative country by country survey of the position on conscription and conscientious objection in all member states of the UN, following the same formula in each case and setting out legal possibilities for avoiding military service. Historical overview of the evolution of conscription and conscientious objection appended to many country reports. There are also often additional sections on forced recruitment by non-governmental armed groups. Each report is dated. The online version includes April 2005 updates on most of the countries in the Council of Europe, see http:// www.wri-irg.org/co/rtba/index.html
718. Moskos, Charles C and John Whiteclay Chambers II (eds.), The New Conscientious Objection: From Sacred to Secular Resistance, New York and Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1993, pp. 286. Section 1 suggests ‘the secularisation of conscience and modern individualism have been the driving force’ in the rise of conscientious objection. Section 2 looks at the historical record in the USA. Section 3 has articles on France, the Federal Republic of Germany, Denmark, Norway, Switzerland, the former Communist states in Eastern Europe, Israel and South Africa. (NB chapter on South Africa listed under D.I.1.a.).
719. Pentikainen, Merja (ed.), The Right to Refuse Military Orders, Geneva, International Peace Bureau in collaboration with International Association of Lawyers Against Nuclear Arms, Peace Union of Finland and Finnish Lawyers for Peace and Survival, 1994, pp. 110.
Contributions on various forms of refusal – to do military service, to fire at one’s own people, to participate in torture, or to accept orders relating to nuclear weapons – together with summaries of relevant international law.
720. Quaker Council for European Affairs, Conscientious Objection to Military Service in Europe, Report for the Council of Europe, Parliamentary Assembly, Legal Affairs Committee, 1984, pp. 99.
Sets out the legal provision for COs in all the European states at that date. Notes the importance of resolutions in support of making provisions for COs adopted by the Council of Europe in 1967, the UN in 1978 and the European Parliament in 1983.
721. Quaker Peace and Service, Taxes for Peace Not War: 6th International Conference on Peace Tax Campaigns and War Tax Resistance, London, Quaker Peace and Service, 1997, pp. 51.
Assesses the impact of peace tax campaigns in the area of peacemaking and considers their possible future influence.
722. Rohr, John A, Prophets Without Honor: Public Policy and the Selective Conscientious Objector, Nashville and New York, Abingdon Press, 1971, pp. 191.
Examines lack of a constitutional right or political tolerance for selective refusal to take part in particular wars.
723. Schlissel, Lillian, Conscience in America: A Documentary History of Conscientious Objection in America, 1757-1967, New York, E.P. Dutton, 1968, pp. 444.
Documents and statements on conscientious objection, later sections cover COs in two world wars and Vietnam, and case for tax resistance.
724. War Resisters’ International and Green Alternative European Link, Refusing War Preparations: Conscientious Objection and Non-cooperation: International Seminar Brussels, 76-10 February 1981, London, War Resisters’ International and Brussels, Green Alternatives European Link, 1987, pp. 95.
Contributors from six European countries and the US look at non-cooperation in relation to different aspects of militarism. Emphasis of seminar is on ‘collective non-cooperation … people acting together to frustrate militarism’. Includes text of Bart de Ligt’s Anti-War Plan first presented in 1934 to WRI (also published in De Ligt, Conquest of Violence – A.1.).
See also: Brock and Young, Pacifism in the Twentieth Century (G.3.a.); Muste, A.J., ‘Of holy disobedience’, in Hentoff (ed.), Essays of A.J. Muste, pp. 355-77, on case for total resistance to conscription as opposed to alternative civilian service (G.3.b.1).
After 1945 the invention of nuclear weapons created a new peril, dramatized by Hiroshima and Nagasaki, that gradually aroused widespread public concern. This concern was exacerbated from the mid-1950s by growing awareness of the dangers to health and the environment caused by the testing of nuclear bombs in the atmosphere. But development of atomic and then hydrogen bombs, and later of nuclear missiles, was also a product of the arms race between the United States and the Soviet Union, and the deep distrust generated by the cold war. Once both sides had nuclear weapons, developing strategic doctrines of the necessity of deterrence made opposition to US (or British) weapons more politically sensitive. The fact that the Soviet Union mobilized a worldwide ‘peace campaign’ against nuclear weapons in the early 1950s also meant that in the most frigid period of the cold war western peace protests were almost automatically seen by governments and the media as pro-Soviet. (How far these campaigns, which undoubtedly drew in many non-Communists concerned about the dangers of nuclear war, should be seen as part of the overall peace movement is disputed.)
A strong explicitly nonaligned movement against nuclear weapons, linked in Britain to the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND), did not therefore develop until 1957/58. The ‘first wave’ of the nuclear disarmament movement in the late 1950s and early 1960s resulted in mass marches and a wide variety of nonviolent direct action protests against nuclear testing sites, nuclear bases and installations and government buildings. In some cases (as in West Germany) protest originated on the organized left, in others popular protest impacted on trade unions and leftist political parties, leading for example to a unilateralist resolution being passed by the British Labour Party Conference in 1960. The debate also spread to the churches and raised the question whether nuclear weapons were compatible with the doctrine of just war. The 1963 Partial Test Ban Treaty, signed initially by the USA, Soviet Union and Britain, could be interpreted as a success for the movement, and the USA and USSR began to engage more seriously in a series of arms control negotiations.
By the late 1960s many campaigners had turned their energies to opposing the Vietnam War. During the 1970s environmental protests came to the fore, though concern about nuclear energy sometimes linked up with opposition to nuclear weapons. A second mobilization of mass opposition to nuclear weapons was sparked by US proposals to deploy the neutron bomb and by the NATO decision to deploy cruise and Pershing II missiles – Intermediate Nuclear Forces (INF) – in Western Europe. The campaigns of the 1980s had greater transnational reach, involved many more people than the ‘first wave’ of the movement, and influenced the policy of some local councils and regions. The role of the European Nuclear Disarmament (END) campaign in promoting a dialogue between western peace campaigners and East European and Soviet dissidents also opened up a new dimension.
The use of nonviolent direct action was even more widespread in the 1980s than in the 1950s/60s, and less controversial within the movement. There were, for example, many sitdowns and peace camps at bases. There was also widespread transnational cooperation, for example at the peace camp at the Comiso missile base in Sicily. The legality of nuclear weapons under international law was frequently raised in the courts. Some of the most militant actions, for example at the Greenham Common cruise missile base, are also associated with radical feminism and have been listed under the Feminist Movement, section G.4.
Although the nuclear disarmament movement has lost momentum since the break-up of the Soviet Union and the end of the cold war, the dangers from nuclear weapons and proliferation ensure that campaigning continues. There are still frequent nonviolent direct action demonstrations in Britain, for example at nuclear bases and installations.
There is a large literature on the nuclear disarmament movement. The titles below include assessments from a range of ideological perspectives, but many of them have been chosen because they give some prominence to forms of direct action and civil disobedience.
There is an immense literature on strategic thinking about nuclear weapons since the late 1950s, as theories of deterrence and arms control evolved and as missile deployments and strategic rationales altered over time. The titles selected here focus on moral, political and strategic arguments which influenced campaigners. But a well-regarded survey of official nuclear policies is: Mandelbaum, Michael, The Nuclear Question: The United States and Nuclear Weapons 1946-1976, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1979.
725. Boulton, David (ed.), Voices from the Crowd: Against the H-Bomb, London, Peter Owen, 1964, pp. 185.
Collection of essays, many by leading writers and thinkers of the period, including Albert Schweitzer, Bertrand Russell, J.B. Priestley, Herbert Read and Michael Foot. Includes first hand account of six anti-nuclear campaigners charged under the Official Secrets Act for their part in organizing direct action at a USAF base.
726. Church of England, Board of Social Responsibility, The Church and the Bomb: Nuclear Weapons and Christian Conscience. The Report of the Working Party under the Chairmanship of the Bishop of Salisbury, London, Hodder and Stoughton, 1982, pp. 190.
Influential report which concluded that Just War principles forbid the use of nuclear weapons, and recommended that the UK should renounce its independent nuclear deterrent, followed by a phased withdrawal from other forms of reliance on nuclear weapons including, ultimately, the presence of US air and submarine bases.
727. Holroyd, Fred (ed.), Thinking about Nuclear Weapons: Analyses and Prescriptions, London, Croom Helm in association with the Open University, 1985, pp. 409.
Covers a range of perspectives on nuclear weapons. Includes influential McGeorge Bundy/Kennan/McNamara/Smith article ‘Nuclear weapons and the Atlantic Alliance’, Foreign Affairs, vol. 60, 1982, arguing that NATO should not use nuclear weapons in response to a conventional attack. Also includes section from the Alternative Defence Commission report on ‘The rationale for rejecting nuclear weapons’, as well as an extract from Edward P. Thompson’s 1980 pamphlet Protest and Survive (see below).
728. Schell, Jonathan, The Abolition, London, Picador in association with Jonathan Cape, 1984, pp. 170.
Definition of the nuclear predicament and radical proposals for the abolition of all nuclear weapons.
729. Stein, Walter (ed.), Nuclear Weapons and Christian Conscience, London, Merlin Press, 1961 and 1981, pp. 163. With foreword by Archbishop Roberts.
Essays by six leading Catholic thinkers on the moral issues raised by nuclear weapons. Had considerable influence in Christian and wider circles. The 1981 edition has a postscript by Anthony Kenny on Counterforce and Countervalue nuclear doctrines.
730. Thompson, Edward P., Protest and Survive, Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament and Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation, 1980, pp. 33.
This polemic, whose title was prompted by government civil defence advice ‘Protect and Survive’, provided considerable impetus to the rejuvenated nuclear disarmament movement of the 1980s, and the launch of the European Nuclear Disarmament (END) campaign in which Thompson played a leading role.
731. Urquhart, Clara (ed.), A Matter of Life, London, Jonathan Cape, 1963, pp. 256.
A collection of brief essays or speeches by eminent proponents of peace or nonviolence on dangers facing the world and role of civil disobedience. Contributors include Martin Buber, Danilo Dolci, Erich Fromm, Kenneth Kaunda, Jawaharlal Nehru and Albert Schweitzer. There are essays by founding members of the Committee of 100: Bertrand Russell, Michael Scott and Robert Bolt.
732. US Bishops, The Challenge of Peace: God’s Promise and our Response: The US Bishops’
Pastoral Letter on War and Peace in the Nuclear Age, London, CTS/SPCK, 1983, pp. 34.
Influential Catholic document. Argues that ‘a justifiable use of force must be both discriminatory and proportionate’ and that ‘certain aspects of both US and Soviet strategies fail both tests’. Urged greater consideration of nonviolent means of resistance whilst upholding the right of governments to conscript (with provision for general or selective objection).
733. Evangelista, Matthew, Unarmed Forces: The Transnational Movement to End the Cold War, Ithaca NY, Columbia University Press, 1999, pp. 406.
Well documented examination of the role of transnational civil movements in contributing to arms control and the ending of the Cold War. Includes assessment of the Pugwash Conference which brought together scientists from East and West, and also the wider anti-war movement.
734. Kaltefleiter, Werner and Robert L. Pfaltzgraff (eds.), Peace Movements in Europe and the United States, London, Croom Helm, 1985, pp. 211.
Essays arising out of May 1984 conference at the Christian-Albrechts University, Kiel, on peace movements in Sweden, Norway, the Netherlands, West Germany, France, Italy, Britain and the US.
Focus is on the anti-nuclear movements of the 1980s, though some contributors sketch the earlier history of movements in their countries.
735. Laqueur, Walter and Robert Edwards Hunter (eds.), European Peace Movements and the Future of the Western Alliance, New Brunswick, Transaction Books in association with the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Georgetown University, Washington DC, 1985, pp. 450.
Generally critical contributions on the peace movements of the 1980s in various European countries and their impact on the Western alliance. Includes chapter on the US peace movement of the 1980s.
736. Rochon, Thomas R., Mobilizing for Peace, Princeton NJ, Princeton University Press, 1988, pp. 232.
Wide ranging analysis of West European anti-missile/nuclear disarmament campaigns 1979-1986, incorporating discussion of social movement theory and the wider political context. Focuses particularly on Britain, the Netherlands, West Germany and France. It includes great deal of information on organizations, campaigns and types of action, as well as many useful sources and references.
737. Wittner, Lawrence S., The Struggle Against the Bomb, vol. 1.
One World or None: A History of the World Nuclear Disarmament Movement Through 1953, Stanford CA, Stanford University Press, 1993, pp. 456.
Covers responses to the Bomb from 1945-1953, including by scientists and churches, but with emphasis on the Soviet-initiated protests under the World Peace Council.
738. Wittner, Lawrence S., vol. 2. Resisting the Bomb: A History of the World Nuclear Disarmament Movement 1954-1970, vol. 2, Stanford CA, Stanford University Press, 1997, pp. 641.
Extensive and thoroughly researched history of campaigns and governments responses, including Japan, with quite a lot of material on nonviolent direct action.
739. Wittner, Lawrence, Towards Nuclear Abolition: A History of the World Nuclear Disarmament Movement 1971 to the the Present, vol. 3, Stanford CA, Stanford University Press, 2003, pp. 657.
Traces the development of the movement in the 1970s, the rise of a new activism in the 1980s, the ‘breakthrough’ of the Intermediate Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Agreement of 1987, and the end of the cold war. While noting later more worrying trends, Wittner concludes that ‘This study – like its predecessors – indicates that the nuclear arms control and disarmament measures of the modern era have resulted primarily from the efforts of a worldwide citizens’ campaign, the biggest mass movement in modern history’.
740. Baxendale, Martin, Cruisewatch: Civil Resistance against American Nuclear Cruise Missile Convoys in the English Countryside: 1984-1990, Stroud, Silent but Deadly, c1991, pp. 41.
741. Bigelow, Albert, The Voyage of the Golden Rule: An Experiment with Truth, Garden City NY, Doubleday, 1959, pp. 286.
Account by former Lieutenant in the US navy of an attempt by four people to sail a ketch into the US nuclear testing zone at Eniwetok in protest against the tests. Defying an injunction, the ketch sailed 5 miles into the zone before being stopped by US navy. Their example inspired a second attempt by Earle and Barbara Reynolds (see The Forbidden Voyage below).
742. Bradshaw, Ross, Dennis Gould and Chris Jones, From Protest to Resistance, Nottingham, Mushroom, 1981, pp. 64 (Peace News pamphlet).
Story of the rise of direct action against nuclear weapons in the British context. Includes diary of main protest in the 1957-1966 period, and interviews with those involved.
743. Breyman Steven, Why Movements Matter: The West German Peace Movement and U.S, Arms Control Policy, Albany NY, State University of New York Press, 2001, pp. 359.
Charts the evolution of the movement from 1979 to deployment of missiles in Germany at the end of 1983, linking accounts of major protests in West Germany to internal political developments and US/USSR negotiations. The final chapter assesses the impact of the movement and its relation to the INF Treaty.
744. Cairns, Brendan, ‘Stop the drop’, in Verity Burgmann and Jenny Lee (eds.), Staining the Wattle, Ringwood VIC, McPhee Gribble/Penguin Books, 1988, pp. 243-53.
On the 1980s revived movement against nuclear weapons, in particular Australia’s People for Nuclear Disarmament.
745. Carter, April ‘The Sahara Protest Team’ in Hare and Blumberg (eds.), Liberation
Without Violence, pp. 126-56 (A.4.).
On a transnational expedition in 1959-60 attempting to prevent French nuclear tests in the Algerian Sahara.
746. Deming, Barbara, ‘Earle Reynolds: Stranger in this country’ in Revolution and Equilibrium, pp.
On the transnational protests by the ship ‘Everyman III’ which sailed from London to Leningrad to protest against Soviet nuclear tests.
747. Driver, Christopher, The Disarmers: A Study in Protest, London, Hodder and Stoughton, 1964, pp. 256.
Account of the emergence of the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, Direct Action Committee Against Nuclear War and the Committee of 100 in Britain. Describes the main actions and internal debates within the movement.
748. Faslane Peace Camp, Faslane: Diary of a Peace Camp, Edinburgh, 1984, pp. 86.
Account of direct action campaign against Trident missile base in Scotland.
749. Hinton, James, Protests and Visions: Peace Politics in 20th Century Britain, London, Hutchinson Radius, 1989, pp. 248.
Covers pacifist and anti-war campaigning in Britain from the ‘imperialist pacifism’ of the
Victorian period, through both World Wars to the birth of the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament and the New Left in the 1950s and 1960s. Written from a democratic socialist perspective. Final chapters cover CND’s ‘second wave’ in the 1980s, the Gorbachev initiatives, and the role of the European Nuclear Disarmament campaign seeking to transcend the cold war divide.
750. Hudson, Kate, Now More than Ever, London, Vision Paperbacks, Satin Publishers, Sheena Dewan, 2005, pp. 278.
Up to date account of British nuclear disarmament movement since the 1950s by chair of CND, giving some weight to direct action.
751. Jezer, Marty, Where Do We Go From Here? Tactics and Strategies for the Peace Movement, New York, A.J. Muste Institute, 1984, pp. 74.
Answers by range of peace activists to questions about the future of the movement, including whether it should focus on the arms race or more broadly on US foreign policy, its relationship to electoral politics, the role of civil disobedience and issues related to feminist separatism.
752. McCrea, Frances B. and Gerald E. Markle, Minutes to Midnight: Nuclear Weapons Protest in America 1950s-80s, Newbury Park CA, Sage, 1989, pp. 200.
753. McTaggart, David and Robert Hunter, Greenpeace III: The Journey into the Bomb, London, Collins, 1978, pp. 372.
Leading Greenpeace activists recount how their boat succeeded in sailing into the French nuclear testing zone near Mururoa Atoll in 1971, forcing the French government to halt one of its planned nuclear tests.
754. Mitcalfe, Barry, Boy Roel: Voyage to Nowhere, Auckland, New Zealand, Alister Taylor, 1972, pp. 154.
Diary of events aboard Boy Roel, one of the fleet of four ships, including Greenpeace III, which attempted to sail into French nuclear testing zone near Mururoa Atoll in 1972.
755. Muste, A.J. ‘Africa against the Bomb’ in Hentoff (ed.), Essays of A.J. Muste,
pp. 394-409 (G.3.b.1.).
On attempts by transnational team to enter French Sahara testing area from Ghana.
756. Reynolds, Earle, The Forbidden Voyage, Westport CT, Greenwood Press, 1975, pp. 281.
Earle and Barbara Reynolds lived in Hiroshima, where he was studying effects of atomic radiation, from 1951-1954. In 1958, whilst cruising on their yacht the Phoenix of Hiroshima, they heard about the arrest of Bigelow’s Golden Rule protesting against US testing (see above) and later that year sailed 65 nautical miles inside the Bikini Atoll testing zone.
757. Robie, David, Eyes of Fire: The Last Voyage of the Rainbow Warrior, Philadelphia PA, New Society Publishers,  2005 2nd edition. pp. 180.
Account of final voyage of Greenpeace ship the Rainbow Warrior, trying to sail into French nuclear testing area near Mururoa Atoll, before it was blown up by French secret service agents in Auckland Harbour July 1985. See also: Sunday Times Insight Team, Rainbow Warrior: The French Attempt to Sink Greenpeace, London, 1986, pp. 302.
758. Robson, Bridget Mary, What Part did Nonviolence Play in the British Peace Movement 1979-1985?, MA Dissertation, Bradford, 1992, pp. 89.
Recounts debates surrounding the use of direct action and civil disobedience in antinuclear campaigns, noting the influence of New Left politics and feminism and the rise of nonviolence training, affinity groups and peace camps in the 1980s. Demonstrates that direct action was initiated at the grassroots level but in time accepted by CND leadership.
759. Sawyer, Steve, ‘Rainbow Warrior: Nuclear war in the Pacific’, Third World Quarterly, vol. 8 no. 4 (October 1986), pp. 1325-36.
Examines sinking of Rainbow Warrior, commenting on New Zealand’s reactions and the heightened awareness of the dangers of nuclear testing in the Pacific.
760. Simpson, Tony, No Bunkers Here: A Successful Nonviolent Action in a Welsh Community, Merthyr Tydfil, Nottingham and Mid-Glamorgan CND and Peace News, 1982, pp. 47.
Account of direct action campaign against the building of a nuclear-blast-proof bunker.
761. Solnit, Rebecca, Savage Dreams: A Journey into the Hidden Wars of the American West, San Francisco Sierra Club Books, 1994, pp. 401.
Autobiographical account of radical campaigning activities against nuclear tests in Nevada. Author argues that policy of testing nuclear weapons in the American West is rooted in 19th century attitudes and policies towards native American peoples.
762. Taylor, Richard, Against the Bomb: The British Peace Movement 1958-1965, Oxford, Clarendon, 1988, pp. 368.
Well researched account of the first phase of the nuclear disarmament campaign in Britain, analysed and critiqued from a New Left/Marxist perspective.
763. Thompson, Ben, Comiso, London, Merlin Press jointly with END, 1982, pp. 17.
Account of transnational direct action against nuclear missile base in Sicily.
764. Zelter, Angie, Trident on Trial: The Case of People’s Disarmament, Edinburgh, Luath Press, 2001, pp. 312.
Presents the legal case against nuclear weapons and for people’s ‘direct disarmament’
actions against UK Trident missiles, and includes personal accounts by activists in Trident Ploughshares.
See also: Epstein, Political Protest and Cultural Revolution, chapter 4, ‘the Livermore Action Group: Direct action and the arms race’ on protests against test launching of MX missile in California (A.1.).
Opposition to particular wars or acts of aggression has been much wider than draft resistance. We include here references to a range of national and transnational protests against contentious wars since 1945 (other than Vietnam), including France’s war in Algeria (1954-62) and the 1991 Gulf War. These protests include transporting medical or other aid to the civilians under attack, trying to deter attack by being present in areas likely to be bombed, and blockades of airfields, aircraft or troop trains.
The wars and acts of aggression evoking protest have been very varied. But since Vietnam it can be argued that wars involving major Western states have significantly new characteristics. See: Shaw, Martin, The New Western Way of War: Risk Transfer and its Crisis in Iraq, Cambridge, Polity, 2005, pp. 183.
Shaw, an expert on the sociology of war, argues that this new warfare focuses on containing the risks to the lives of Western soldiers in order to minimize political and electoral difficulties for governments, and transfers the risk to civilians whose killing is explained away as ‘accidental’.
The US-led war on Iraq in early 2003 prompted major demonstrations across much of the world and some direct action protests. Since then the continuing crisis within Iraq and US military actions and abuse of prisoners’ rights has prompted growing opposition from soldiers, reservists and their families. These protests are frequently covered in the mainstream press as well as the peace movement media, but have not yet been systematically documented, apart from a book focused on the Stop the War Coalition in Britain – Murray, Andrew and Lindsey German, Stop the War, London, Bookmarks, 2005, pp. 271. So this section focuses on earlier wars.
765. Burrowes, Robert, ‘The Persian Gulf War and the Gulf Peace Team’, in Moser-Puangsawan and Weber (eds.), Nonviolent Intervention Across Borders, pp. 305-16 (A.1.).
Attempt by a transnational team from the west to deter US-led war on Iraq – over 70 people set up camp in war zone, until evacuated by the Iraqi authorities 10 days after the beginning of air strikes.
766. Carter, April and Michael Randle, Support Czechoslovakia, London, Housmans, 1968, pp. 64.
Account of four transnational teams going to Warsaw Pact capitals to protest against the 1968 Warsaw Pact Invasion of Czecholoslovakia.
767. Coulson, Meg, ‘Looking behind the violent break-up of Yugoslavia’, Feminist Review, no. 45 (1993), pp. 86-101.
Reviews post-1945 history of Yugoslavia and the causes of its breakdown. But notes emerging feminist, peace and ecological movement in the 1980s and the role of women in the ongoing opposition to war, including the role of Serbian women demonstrating early in the war on Croatia for the return of their husbands and sons.
768.Evans, Martin, The Memory of Resistance: French Opposition to the Algerian War (1954-1962),
Oxford, Berg, 1997, pp. 250.
Focuses on French who actively supported the Algerian guerrilla movement the FLN, including references to the September 1960 ‘121 Manifesto’, in which intellectuals asserted the right to refuse to take up arms in the war. Not a history of opposition to the war, but an oral history focusing on motivations for resistance, which are of general interest. See also:
Martin Evans, ‘French resistance and the Algerian War’, History Today, vol. 41 (July 1991), pp. 43-49.
769. Kronlid, Lotta, Andrea Needham, Joanna Wilson and Angie Zelter, Seeds of Hope: East Timor Ploughshares: Women Disarming for Life and Justice, London, Seeds of Hope, 1996, pp. 59.
Account by four women who ‘disarmed’ a BAE Hawk fighter-bomber plane bound for Indonesia at the time of its war against East Timor. In July 1997 a Liverpool Crown Court acquitted the four, accepting that their action aimed to prevent a crime.
770. ’Operation Omega’ in Hare and Blumberg (eds.), Liberation Without Violence, pp. 196-206 (A.4.).
After the 1971 East Bengali (Bangladeshi) movement for independence was suppressed by the Pakistan army, and war broke out between India and Pakistan, a transnational team tried, with some success, to take relief supplies into East Bengal. Their aim was both to protest against Pakistani army repression and to provide practical aid to refugees fleeing from the army. At the same time North American activists blocked arms supplies to Pakistan (see Taylor below).
771. Mladjenovic, Lepa and Vera Litricin, ‘Belgrade Feminists 1992: Separation, guilt and identity crisis’, Feminist Review, no. 45 (1993), pp. 113-19.
Reviews development of Yugoslav feminism from 1978 to early 1990s, including SOS Hotline for Women and Children Victims of Violence. Notes the strains created by the Serbian war against Croatia, and rising nationalism, but also notes how Belgrade feminists created Women in Black in 1991 and held vigils against war in Croatia and later Bosnia. See also: Women in Black, Compilation of Information on Crimes of War Against Women in Ex-Yugoslavia – Actions and Initiatives in Their Defence, Belgrade, Women in Black, 1993.
772. Paley, Grace,’Something about the peace movement: Something about the people’s right not to know’ in Victoria Brittain (ed.), The Gulf Between Us: The Gulf War and Beyond, London, Virago Press, 1991, pp. 61-76.
Wide ranging commentary on the US-based opposition to the 1991 Gulf War, including references to soldiers refusing to support the war pp. 64-5 and 70-1.
773. Schweitzer, Christine, ‘Mir Sada: The story of a nonviolent intervention that failed’, in Moser-Puangsawan and Weber (eds.), Nonviolent Intervention Across Borders, pp. 269-76 (A.1.). Attempt in 1993 to set up a transnational peace caravan in Sarajevo during the war in Bosnia.
774. Talbott, John, The War Without a Name: France in Algeria 1954-1962, New York, Alfred Knopf, 1980, pp. 305.
Clear account of the politics surrounding the war of liberation and the French responses. Chapter 5 ‘Against torture’ describes resignation in protest by General de Bollardiere and criticisms by reservists, as well as opposition from intellectuals. Chapter 8 ‘Barricades and manifestos’ covers French settler intransigence as well as draft resistance and desertions, the 121 Manifesto and the repressive response by the French government, and the Jeanson FLN-support network. Chapter 9 examines the generals’ putsch in 1961 and notes response to it both by the left and De Gaulle.
775. Taylor, Richard K., Blockade: A Guide to Nonviolent Intervention, Maryknoll NY, Orbis Books, 1977, pp. 175.
Account of how a nonviolent fleet of canoes and kayaks blocked Pakistani shipping at East Coast ports of the US to oppose US support for Pakistan’s repression in East Bengal. Part 2 is a manual for direct action.
776. Walker, Charles C.’The Delhi to Peking Friendship March’, Friends Journal, vol. 9 no. 23 (1963), pp. 517-18.
Attempt to challenge hostility between India and China in the wake of the 1962 border war – the Chinese authorities refused to allow the marchers in. (See also Carter, Peace Movements, pp. 245-47 (G.3.a.).
See also on opposition to 1991 Gulf War: Bhatia, Dreze and Kelly, War and Peace in the Gulf, and Burrowes, ‘The Persian Gulf War and the Gulf Peace Team (A.4.); Carter, Peace Movements, pp. 249-52; Meaden, Protesting for Peace, and Peace, A Just and Lasting Peace, (G.3.a.).
Peace campaigners have also engaged in many activities which do not fall within either the categories of conscientious objection/draft resistance or opposition to nuclear weapons or particular wars. Much of this activity involves education and publicity or meetings, petitions and lobbying. But there is also a wide range of direct action, for example resistance to the siting or extension of military bases or firing ranges. A transnational movement against the arms trade includes both publicizing the extent and nature of the trade and regular demonstrations and
blockades at arms fairs. In Britain the Campaign Against the Arms Trade publishes details of protests in CAAT News.
777. Caldecott, Leonie, ‘At the foot of the mountain: The Shibokusa women of Mount Fuji’, in Lynne Jones (ed.), Keeping the Peace, pp. 98-107 (see F.4.c.).
Account of prolonged struggle to recover agricultural land occupied by US forces in 1945 and later retained by Japanese armed forces.
778. Deming, Barbara, ‘San Francisco to Moscow: Why they walk’ and ‘San Francisco to Moscow: Why the Russians let them in’ in Revolution and Equilibrium, pp. 51-59 and 60- 72 (see A.1.).
Articles originally published in the Nation July 15 and December 23 1961.
779. Lyttle, Brad, You Come with Naked Hands: The Story of the San Francisco to Moscow March for Peace, Raymond NH, Greenleaf Books, 1966, pp. 246.
Participant’s account of march for disarmament organized by the Committee for Nonviolent Action. After marching across the USA the participants walked in Britain, Belgium and West Germany (they were debarred from entering France). But they were allowed to enter the Soviet bloc to travel through parts of the GDR, Poland and the USSR.
780. Packard, George R., Protest in Tokyo: The Security Treaty Crisis of 1960, Princeton NJ, Princeton University Press, 1966, pp. 423.
Includes coverage of petitions, strikes and demonstrations of May-June 1960 with emphasis on role of Zengakuren student organization.
781. Rawlinson, Roger, Larzac: A Nonviolent Campaign of the 70s in Southern France, York, William Sessions, 1996, pp. 202.
Story of the successful ten-year struggle of French farmers in Larzac to protect their land from military encroachment. The Gandhian pacifists at the Community of the Arch, and industrial and professional unions played a role in the struggle. An earlier account is: Rawlinson, Larzac: A Victory for Nonviolence, London, Quaker Peace and Service, 1983, pp. 43.
782. Waldman, Sidney R., Susan Richards and Charles C. Walker, The Edgewood Arsenal and Fort Detrick Projects: an Exchange Analysis, Haverford PA, Center for Nonviolent Conflict Resolution, c. 1967, pp. 67.
‘Exchange analysis’ between organizers of two protests against Chemical and Biological Weapons (CBW) weapons
production, the first a 21 month campaign at Fort Detrick from January 1960, the second planting a tree inside the base.
783. Walker, Charles C. ‘Culebra: Nonviolent action and the US Navy’, in Hare and Blumberg
(eds.), Liberation Without Violence, pp. 178-95 (A.4.).
Resistance to the use of Puerto Rican island as a US Navy bombing and gunnery range. Recounts direct action by Puerto Ricans and development of transnational action involving US Quakers to build chapel on the island.
784. Waugh, Michael H.M., Peace Camping: History of British Peace Camps from the 1930s, Eastleigh, Compositions by Carn, 1998, pp. 374. Detailed description (with photos) of camps from 1930s through to Aldermaston picket late 1950s and Greenham Common and beyond.
See also: Rawlinson, ‘The battle of Larzac’ in Hare and Blumberg (eds.), Liberation Without Violence, pp. 58-72. (A.4.); Routledge, Terrains of Resistance, pp. 39-73 on 1980s resistance in Orissa, India, to Baliapal missile testing range (G.a).
The first wave of feminist protest in the late 19th and early 20th centuries is closely associated in Britain with mass demonstrations and the direct action of the suffragettes – some of their tactics, such as chaining themselves to railings, have been taken up by recent activists. But direct action has been much less central to the second wave of feminism launched in the late 1960s. This is true of both Britain and other western countries. The beginning of the movement did include eye-catching protests in the USA and Britain against beauty contests and products, and there have been demonstrations (sometimes including forms of direct action) to challenge restrictions on abortion, tolerance of rape, and
promotion of pornography in a number of countries.
But the political strand of the movement focused primarily on political lobbying, sometimes supplemented by marches and rallies to demonstrate popular support, or using the courts to achieve new legislation to promote equality. See, for example, Jan Mercer (ed.), The Other Half: Women in Australian Society, Ringwood, VIC, Penguin, 1975; Monica Threlfall, ‘The Women’s Movement in Spain’, New Left Review, no. 151 (May/June 1985), pp. 44-73 on post-Franco development of feminist movement and legislative results, and Joyce Gelb, ‘Feminism and political action’ in R.J. Dalton and M. Kuechler (eds.), Challenging the Political Order: New Social and Political Movements in Western Democracies, Cambridge, Polity, 1990, pp. 137-56, comparing the US, British and Swedish movements.
Direct action by middle class women involved brief symbolic protests to highlight particular issues, but during the 1960s and early 1970s there were also significant signs of militancy among working class women in Britain, which included a number of strikes, some supported by socialist feminists. The bitter miners’ strike of 1984-85 also mobilized women in the pit villages to come out in active support. This was not a claim for women’s rights but a significant expression of political activism in male-dominated communities. In the USA agitation for women’s rights was more exclusively middle class (although in practice some of these rights, such as the right to abortion, had enormous significance for poor
Although many feminist pressure groups sprang up in the 1970s (and pre-existing ones were revivified), women’s liberation was also a social movement, which grew partially out of the New Left but criticized male chauvinism on the left. Marxist and/ or radical feminists were influential in the movements in many countries (see Vicky Randall, Women and Politics, Basingstoke, Macmillan, 1982; Chapter 5 ‘The Politics of the Women’s Movement’, pp. 138-68).
Radical feminism therefore encouraged positive feminist experiments in communal organization, to complement protest, on issues such as male violence: for example rape counselling centres and refuges for battered women. These could be interpreted as a form of constructive programme in the context of resistance. But in practice they were rather a complement to pressure for legislative and institutional reform (for example of police attitudes to rape).
Second wave feminism’s roots in the radicalism of the 1960 was reflected in its emphasis on internal consciousness raising and challenging dominant cultural and theoretical constructions of femininity. A new feminist publishing arose, heralded by polemical and widely read books by authors such as Andrea Dworkin, Eva Figes, Shulamith Firestone, Betty Friedan, Germaine Greer, Kate Millet and Juliet Mitchell, and developed into a sustained theoretical critique of many academic disciplines.
Radical feminism was also associated with a strong commitment to an anti-hierarchical mode of organization. These feminist views influenced many major environmentalist direct action campaigns in the west in the 1970s and campaigns against nuclear weapons in the 1980s (see Barbara Epstein, Political Protest and Cultural Revolution (A.1.)).
Feminism has always been a transnational movement, although the forms and priorities of campaigning have differed considerably between countries and different areas of the world. The feminist movement in the west has since the 1980s been diffused in abstruse theoretical debates, and lost momentum among younger generations, partly because of the (partial) successes of the 1970s and 1980s. But in other parts of the world women’s groups are often struggling for the most basic of rights. Opposition to violence against women is a major transnational issue, emphasized at the 1992 UN Conference in Beijing.
Wide-ranging theoretical issues and some specific information about particular campaigns can be found in a range of feminist periodicals, such as:
Signs (see for example vol. 17 no. 2 (1992), pp. 393-434, for section on ‘Feminisms in Latin America’), Women’s Studies International Forum (see Ahmed, Leila, ‘Feminism and feminist movements in the Middle East: a preliminary exploration’, vol. 5 (1982), pp. 153-68), and Feminist Review.
In the 21st century the economic exploitation of women’s labour has become a focal point for campaigning around the world, including the west. But this issue is subsumed in the wider global movement against corporate power and neoliberal ideology (see G.7).
Feminism is naturally focused primarily on the rights of women in all spheres of social and political life. But there has since the rise of feminism in the 19th century been a close link between feminist activists and peace movements. In the 1980s feminist direct action for peace, symbolized by the camp at the Greenham Common missile base, provided a committed and militant wing to the revived movement against nuclear weapons.
785. Bouchier, David, The Feminist Challenge: The Movement for Women’s Liberation in Britain and the USA, London, Macmillan, 1983, pp. 252.
Traces the course of the feminist movement from its beginnings at a meeting in Seneca Falls, USA, in 1848, through the campaign for voting rights in the early years of the 20th century to the re-emergence of radical feminism in the 1960s and 1970s
786. Cliff, Tony, Class Struggle and Women’s Liberation: 1640 to the Present Day, London, Bookmarks, 1984, pp. 271.
Sweeping historical and transnational survey from a socialist standpoint, noting industrial action by working women and criticizing class base and focus of second wave American and British feminism.
787. Coote, Anna and Beatrix Campbell, Sweet Freedom: The Struggle for Women’s Liberation in Britain, London, Pan Books, 1982, pp. 258.
Study of British movement since 1960s, legislative changes and political developments in areas central to women: work, the family, sex and culture. Chapter 1, pp. 9-47 charts the evolution of the movement in terms of key protests, campaigns and organization, including some examples of nonviolent action.
788. Duchen, Claire, Feminism in France from May 1968 to Mitterand, London, Routledge, 1986, pp. 165.
Chapter 1 ‘Beginnings’ examines role of women in May 1968 and the emergence of the Mouvement de Liberation des Femmes in 1970, laying of a wreath on the tomb of the unknown soldier to commemorate his wife (leading to arrest), support for women strikers (e.g. a hat factory in Troyes) and the 5th April 1971 Manifesto by 343 prominent women who had resorted to illegal abortions. Later chapters explore ideological divisions within the movement, a range of theoretical issues and the relationship of feminists to socialist government in France.
789. Freeman, Jo, The Politics of Women’s Liberation, New York, Longman, 1975, pp. 268.
Examines the evolution of second wave feminism in the USA from the early protests.
790. Wilson, Elizabeth, What Is To Be Done About Violence Against Women?, Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1983, pp. 256.
Chapter 8 ‘Feminists fight back’ (pp. 169-224) covers the protests in Britain against male violence, and also the constructive organizational responses and the campaigns for legal change and challenges to prevailing attitudes.
791. Alexander, Sally, ‘The Nightcleaners’ campaign’ in Sandra Allen, Lee Sanders and
Jan Wallis (eds.), Conditions of Illusion, London, Feminist Books, 1974, pp. 309-25. See also ‘Striking progress’ a list of strikes in which women involved 1973-74, pp. 332-48.
792. Dromey, Jack, Grunwick: The Workers’ Story, London, Lawrence and Wishart, 1978, pp. 207.
793. Miller, Jill, You Can’t Kill the Spirit: Women in a Welsh Mining Village, London,
Women’s Press, 1986, pp. 142.
794. Rogaly, Joe, Grunwick, Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1977, pp. 199.
Account of the 1976-77 strike by non-unionized Asian women workers in a film processing company, which generated support from the wider labour and socialist movement, many of whom joined the picket line.
795. Stead, Jean, Never the Same Again: Women and the Miners’ Strike, London, Women’s
Press, 1987, pp. 177.
See also: Coote and Campbell, Sweet Freedom, p.18 on ground-breaking strike for equal pay by women workers at Ford, Dagenham, 1968 (G.4.a); Loach, Loretta, ‘We’ll be here right to the end...and after: Women in the miners’ strike’, in Benyon (ed.), Digging Deeper: Issues in the Miners’ Strike, chapter 9, (F.4).
Theoretical issues raised by the links between radical feminism and peace activity are explored in: Feminism and Nonviolence Study Group, Piecing it Together: Feminism and Nonviolence, London, Feminism and Nonviolence Study Group, War Resisters’ International, 1983, pp. 58; and Strange, Penny, It’ll Make a Man of You, London, Peace News, 1983, pp. 30. For a more extended discussion see: Sara Ruddick, Maternal Thinking: Towards a Politics of Peace, London, The Women’s Press, 1989, pp. 297.
796. Cook, Alice and Gwyn Kirk, Greenham Women Everywhere, London, Pluto Press, 1983, pp. 127.
797. Eglin, Jospehine, ‘Women and peace: from the Suffragists to the Greenham Women’ in Richard Taylor and Nigel Young (eds.), Campaigns for Peace: British Peace Movements in the Twentieth Century, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1987, pp. 221-59.
798. Harford, Barbara and Sarah Hopkins (eds.), Greenham Common: Women at the Wire, London, The Women’s Press, 1984, pp. 171.
799. Jones, Lynne (ed.), Keeping the Peace, London, The Women’s Press, 1983, pp. 162.
Gives transnational examples of women’s peace activism.
800. Liddington, Jill, The Long Road to Greenham: Feminism and Anti-Militarism in Britain since 1820, London, Virago, 1989, pp. 341.
Parts 1 and 2 examine the historical evolution of feminist peace activity (much of it constitutional), but Part 3 ‘Liberation and Peace Camps (1970-88)’ covers recent militant campaigns.
801. Roseneil, Sasha, Disarming Patriarchy: Feminism and Political Action at Greenham, Buckingham, Open University Press, 1995, pp. 225.
This PhD thesis is a detailed account of the history and everyday life at Greenham, based on participation in the peace camp and 35 interviews with other women. More recently Roseneil has explored life-style and lesbian issues connected with the camp: Common Women, Uncommon Practices: The Queer Feminism of Greenham, London, Cassell, 2000.
See also Epstein, Political Protest and Cultural Revolution, esp. pp. 160-68 which briefly describe Women’s Pentagon Action and Seneca Peace Camp in USA (A.1.).
The most dynamic social movements in the later 1970s tended to be environmental campaigns, which mounted some major direct action protests against nuclear power. By the 1980s environmental groups like Greenpeace were also taking direct action against nuclear tests. In the west green protests often overlapped with feminist and disarmament concerns, and developed new styles of informal democratic organization for mass demonstrations. Green activism against logging, dams, motorways, supermarkets, toxic dumps and other environmental hazards continued into the 1980s and 1990s, and uprooting genetically modified crops became widespread in the early 2000s. Green protests now often overlap with the concerns and targets of the global social justice movement. There is also often an overlap between indigenous people’s resistance to multinationals and environmental concerns.
Green activists have taken up nonviolent direct action with daring and imagination, greatly extending the range of tactics used. Some greens have also used forms of sabotage (ecotage), raising questions about the limits of nonviolence. But, alongside direct action, environmental campaigners have also developed sophisticated lobbying techniques, some have moved towards closer cooperation with corporations and governments and others have developed green political parties to fight local, national and (where relevant) EU elections. As in many movements, greens are divided over strategy, so moderate (‘realistic’) approaches are opposed by the more radical groups. The ideological range stretches from ‘deep ecologists’ to conservatives protecting local neighbourhoods. Greens campaign for biodiversity, e.g. Greenpeace resistance to whaling, but are divided about other animal rights protests.
Warnings and analyses of possible environmental disaster by scientists have become increasingly common since the ground-breaking book by Rachel Carson, Silent Spring, 1962. Green theorists and activists have also developed new interpretations of economics – exploring sustainable development, political thought, philosophy and spirituality. These literatures are not covered here, but one book relevant here is:
802. Kelly, Petra, Thinking Green! Essays on Environmentalism, Feminism and Nonviolence, Berkeley CA, Parallax Press, 1994, pp. 167.
Includes essays on creating an ecological economy, women and power, the arms race and nonviolent social defence.
Relevant periodicals: The Ecologist is a useful source of information on green issues and campaigns. Environmental concerns and campaigns are covered by a number of movement journals such as New Internationalist, Peace News, Schnews and Resurgence.
803. Bahro, Rudolf, Building the Green Movement, Philadelphia PA, New Society Publishers, 1986, pp. 219.
Collection of writings (from November 1982 to June 1985) by former East German dissident and radical ecologist. Covers issues such as North-South relations, the peace movement and the crucial role of communes in rebuilding an ecologically sound society. Includes his statement on resigning from the German Greens, claiming that they ‘have identified themselves – critically – with the industrial system and its administration’.
804. Brown, Michael and John May, The Greenpeace Story, London, Dorling Kindersley, 1989, pp. 160.
Covers voyages to challenge nuclear testing, at Amchitka Island, Alaska and Mururoa Atoll; but also the voyages protesting against nuclear waste disposal and pollution and to protect marine mammals.
805. Dalton, Russell, The Green Rainbow: Environmental Groups in Western Europe, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1994, pp. 305.
Examines development of Green movement in Western democracies. Argues that environmental interest groups are important new participants in the contemporary political process and that, if the movement is politically successful ‘it may at least partially reshape the style and structure of democratic processes in these countries’.
806. Flam, Helena (ed.), States and Anti-Nuclear Movements, Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press, 1994, pp. 427.
Deals with the anti-nuclear power movements and government responses to them and their demands in eight West European states – Austria, Britain, France, Italy, the Netherlands Norway, Sweden and West Germany.
807. Hart, Lindsay, ‘In defence of radical direct action: Reflections on civil disobedience, sabotage and nonviolence’, in Jan Parkis and James Bowen (eds.), Twenty-First Century Anarchism: Unorthodox Ideas for a New Millennium, London, Cassell, 1997, pp. 41-59.
Defends new forms of radical direct action, including ‘ecotage’, arguing that violence should be measured by harm inflicted not use of physical force.
808. Hunter, Robert, The Greenpeace Chronicle, London, Pan Books, 1980, pp. 448. (Published in US as Warriors of the Rainbow: A Chronicle of the Greenpeace Movement, New York, Rinehart and Winston, 1978.)
The story of Greenpeace from its emergence in the early 1970s to the time of the book’s publication. Autobiographical account by a founder member of Greenpeace International.
809. McCormick, John, The Global Environmental Movement: Reclaiming Paradise, London, Belhaven, 1989, pp. 259; (US title Reclaiming Paradise: The Global Environmental Movement, Bloomington IN, Indiana University Press, 1989.)
Despite its title, this is not primarily about protest, but the international/state context in which protest occurs, stressing the UN and international agreements.
810. Rootes, Christopher (ed.), Environmental Movements: Local, National and Global, London, Cass, 1999, pp. 1999.
Primary emphasis on sociological analysis of how environmental movements change, with statistics on participation in them. Chapters on Germany, Spain and Southern Europe and the USA. Derek Wall writes on ‘Mobilizing Earth First!’ in Britain. Jeff Haynes, ‘Power, politics and environmental movements in the Third World’ (pp. 22242) includes specific references to the Chipko, Narmada and Ogoniland movements, as well as other forms of environmental action in Kenya and the role of the WTO.
811. Taylor, Bron Raymond (ed.), Ecological Resistance Movements: The Global Emergence of Radical and Popular Environmentalism, Albany NY, State University of New York Press, 1995, pp. 422.
Collection examining range of grassroots groups with different long term aims and backgrounds in all parts of the world, their impacts and prospects. (Some individual chapters also listed below.)
812. Wapner, Paul, Environmental Activism and World Civic Politics New York, State University of New York Press, 1996, pp. 238.
Analysis of roles of different types of transnational organizations and their impact on environmental ‘discourse’. Chapter 3 is specifically on Greenpeace, direct action and changing attitudes.
813. Weyler, Rex, Greenpeace: An Insider’s Account, Rodale, Pan Macmillan, 2004, pp. 600.
By a founder of Greenpeace International focusing on 1970s.
See also: McTaggart and Hunter, Greenpeace III, Mitcalf, Boy Roel, Robie, Eyes of Fire on Greenpeace opposition to French nuclear tests; and Solnit, Savage Dreams (resisting US nuclear tests) (G.3.b.) Relevant titles also appear under G.7.c.
814. Akula, Vikram, ‘Grassroots environmental resistance in India’, in Taylor (ed.), Ecological Resistance Movements, pp. 127-45 (G.5.a.).
Discusses early resistance in 19th and early 20th centuries and contemporary campaigns against destruction of forests, dams, pollution and over-fishing of seas, and mining. Akula also describes Jharkand separatist ‘tribal’ struggle to own their historic land and promote sustainable use of resources.
815. Connors, Libby and Drew Hutton, A History of the Australian Environmental Movement, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1999, pp. 324.
Survey of the movement from early concerns about conservation through the ‘second wave’ 1945-72, and the campaigns of 1973-83 up to the subsequent professionalization of the movement. Chapter 4 ‘Taking to the streets’ covers ‘green bans’ and the anti-uranium campaigns; Chapter 5 ‘Taking to the bush’ looks at direct action on a number of issues, culminating in the 1982 blockade of the Franklin Dam; and Chapter 6 ‘Fighting for wilderness’ assesses further protests around Australia. Chapter 8 considers the role of the Green Party.
816. Doyle, Timothy, ‘Direct action in environmental conflict in Australia: a reexamination of non-violent action’, Regional Journal of Social Issues, vol. 28 (1994), pp. 1-13.
817. Gould, Kenneth, Allan Schnaiberg and Adam Weinberg, Local Environmental Struggles: Citizen Activism in the Treadmill of Production, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1996, pp. 239.
A study of community power and regional planning on the environment, based on US case studies.
818. Hayes, Graeme, Environmental Protest and the State in France, Basingstoke, Palgrave, 2002, pp. 246.
819. Seel, Benjamin, Matthew Patterson and Brian Doherty, (eds.), Direct Action in British Environmentalism, London, Routledge, 2000, pp. 223.
Useful collection of essays, including a survey of British environmentalism 1988-97 in the changing political context, assessments of different types of environmental activity and role of the media. Brian Doherty,’Manufactured vulnerability: protest camp tactics’ looks at evolution of nonviolent direct action tactics and transnational influences. There is some discussion of the incidence of violence and media (mis)perceptions.
820. Shiva, Vandana, with J. Bandyopadhay et. al., Ecology and the Politics of Survival, London, Sage Publications (and Tokyo, UN University Press), 1991, pp. 365.
Analysis by expert on issues of ecology, development and role of women in conflicts over natural resources in India, includes references to Appiko protests to save forests and satyagraha against mining. She has also published: Staying Alive: Women, Ecology and Development, London, Zed Press, 1988.
821. Gyorgy, Anna and friends, No Nukes: Everyone’s Guide to Nuclear Power, Cambridge MA, South End Press, 1979, pp. 478.
Includes large section on the transnational movement against nuclear power.
822. Joppke, Christian, Mobilizing Against Nuclear Energy: A Comparison of Germany and the United States, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1993, pp. 307.
823. Nelkin, Dorothy and Michael Pollak, The Atom Besieged: Antinuclear Movements in France and Germany, Cambridge Mass, MIT Press, 1982, pp. 235.
Examines the political contexts, nature of the movements against nuclear power and their tactics, and government responses, in the 1970s.
824. Newnham, Tom, Peace Squadron: The Sharp End of Nuclear Protest in New Zealand, Auckland, Graphic Publications, 1986, pp. 60.
Account of ‘nuclear-free-zone’ protesters who blocked nuclear-powered vessels from entering port with ships, boats and canoes.
825. Price, Jerome, The Antinuclear Movement, Boston MA, Twayne Publishers, 1982, pp. 207. (revised edition 1989).
General analysis of evolution of movement and groups and organizations involved. Chapter 4 examines direct action groups and their protests.
826. Touraine, Alain, Anti-nuclear Protest: The Opposition to Nuclear Energy in France, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1983, pp. 202. Translation and abridgement of La prophetie anti-nucleaire,
See also: Epstein, Political Protest and Cultural Revolution, chapter 2 ‘The Clamshell Alliance’, p. 58-91 (A.1.) and Flam (ed.), States and Antinuclear Movements (G.5.a.).
827. Ramachandra, Guha, The Unquiet Woods: Ecological Change and Peasant Resistance in the Himalayas, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1989;
expanded edition with Oxford University Press, 2000, pp. 244.
Emphazises local roots of movement, including development of ‘non-secessionist regionalism’ in Uttarakhand. The epilogue, written in 1998, adds historical perspective to the movement’s achievements and reports on-going struggles. Seeks to offer ‘corrective’ to romanticized western and ecofeminist interpretations.
828. Weber, Thomas, Hugging the Trees: The Story of the Chipko Movement, New Delhi, Penguin, 1981 and 1989, pp. 175. Traces development of the ‘tree hugging’ movement to protect Himalayan forests, stresses the importance of the Gandhian legacy in the strategy and tactics of the movement, discusses the role of women and profiles the leading men.
829. Hirsch, Philip, ‘The politics of environment: Opposition and legitimacy’, in Hewison
(ed.) Political Change in Thailand. pp. 179-194 (D.II.6).
Examines growing significance of environmental movement in Thailand since the success in stopping proposed dam in 1988.
830. Jumbala, Prudhisan and Maneerat Mitprasat, ‘Non-governmental development organisations: Empowerment and the environment’, in Hewison (ed.), Political Change in Thailand, pp. 195-216 (D.II.6.).
Examines two case studies in Thailand of Raindrops Association encouraging villagers to resuscitate the natural environment, and the opposition to planned Kaeng Krung Dam.
831. Palit, Chitaroopa, ‘Monsoon risings: Megadam resistance in the Narmada valley’, New Left Review, II no. 21 (May/June 2003), pp. 80-100.
Anti-dam resistance persuaded the World Bank to withdraw from funding one of the dams, but did not change Indian government policy.
See also: Connors and Hutton, History of the Australian Environmental Movement, chapter 5 on resistance to Franklin dam (G.5.b.).
<>832. Beynon, Huw, Andrew Cox and Ray Hudson, Digging up Trouble: The Environment, Protest and Opencast Mining, London, Rivers Oram, 1999, pp.
General analysis of impact of opencast (strip) mining which spread in Britain in the 1980s. Chapter 7 ‘Changing patterns of protest’ (pp. 167-206) looks at the collaboration between the National Union of Miners, Miners’ Support Groups and environmental groups to oppose mines creating pollution, and turn from conventional protest to direct action.
833. Broadbent, Jeffrey, Environmental Politics in Japan: Networks of Power and Protest, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1998, pp. 418.
Examines dilemma of growth versus environmentalism, and how Japan has resolved it, with focus on how anti-pollution protests 1960s-1973 changed government policy, using the movement in one prefecture as case study.
834. McKean, Margaret A., Environmental Protest and Citizen Politics, Berkeley CA, University of California Press, 1981, pp. 291.
Study of ‘citizens’ movements’ against industrial pollution.
835. Strangio, Paul No Toxic Dump: a Triumph for Grassroots Democracy and Environmental Justice, Annandale, NSW, Pluto Press, 2001, pp. 217.
An Australian case study.
836. Szasz, Andrew, Ecopopulism: Toxic Waste and the Movement for Environmental Justice, Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, 1994, pp. 216.
837. Apter, David E. and Nagayo Sawa, Against the State: Politics and Social Protest in Japan, Cambridge MA, Harvard University Press, 1984, pp. 271.
<>Protest by agricultural community against loss of land for airport.
838. Burgmann, Verity and M. Burgmann, Green Bans, Red Union: Environmentalism and the New South Wales Builders’ Labourers Federation, Sydney, University of New South Wales Press, 1998.
On the initiation of ‘green bans’ – work bans by unions to prevent redevelopment of working class neighbourhoods and destruction of historic buildings and urban green spaces in Sydney. Between 1971 and 1974 42 separate bans were imposed and linked unionists with middle class conservationists. See also Jack Mundey, Green Bans and Beyond, Sydney, Angus and Robertson, 1981.
839. Doherty, Brian, ‘Paving the way: The rise of direct action against British road building’, Political Studies, 47, 1999, pp. 275-91.
840. Merrick (full name), Battle for the Trees: Three Months of Responsible Ancestry, Leeds, Godhaven Ink, 1996, pp. 132.
Account of 3 months struggle against Newbury bypass.
841. Wall, Derek, Earth First! and the Anti-Roads Movement, London, Routledge, 1999, pp. 219.
Indigenous campaigns in the west since the 1960s have often relied primarily on conventional liberal campaigning methods such as lobbying, petitions, rallies and marches. Resort to the courts has often been important. But indigenous peoples have also used forms of direct action such as strikes, blockades and occupying land, both in earlier stages of resistance and as part of the rise in militancy since the 1970s. They have occasionally resorted to violence, for example after militant Native Americans took over the village of Wounded Knee.
This section focuses on four western countries where indigenous peoples have campaigned vigorously for their rights. For an overview of the political position of indigenous peoples in three of them – Canada, New Zealand and the USA – see:
842. Fleras, Augie and Jean Leonard Elliot, The Nations Within, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1992.
Significant campaigns by indigenous people in the South are listed in other sections. For resistance to mining, logging, dams, etc. see sections G.7.c.i and G.5. Many of these campaigns have included nonviolent direct action; some have included appeals to the courts or lobbying by transnational supporting groups; others have included resort to guerrilla tactics (usually on a minor scale). In Latin America, where indigenous peoples are often a substantial proportion of the population, they are also often at the forefront of campaigns of resistance to corporations and IMF-inspired economic policies (for example the Zapatisatas). (See G.7.a., G.7.b.ii and iii; G.7.c.i and ii; and G.7.e.)
843. Bennett, Scott, Aborigines and Political Power, Sydney NSW, Allen and Unwin, 1989, pp. 167.
<>General analysis, includes some reference to protest.
844. Chesterman, John and Galligan, Brian, Citizens Without Rights: Aborigines and Australian Citizenship, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1997, Chapter 7, ‘From Civil to Indigenous Rights’ includes some details of protest.
845. Grenfell, Damian, ‘Environmentalism, State Power and “National Interests”‘, in James Goodman (ed.), Protest and Globalisation, pp. 111-15 (see G.7.a.).
Covers ‘Stop Jabiluka’ campaign by Aborigines and environmentalists against uranium mining in Kakadu National Park.
846. Mandle, W.F., Going It Alone: Australia’s National Identity in the Twentieth Century,
Ringwood, VIC., Penguin, 1980.
Chapter on ‘Donald Macleod and Australia’s Aboriginal Problem’ pp. 174-89 covers Pilbara strike and Pindan movement of late 1940s.
847. Read, Peter, Charles Perkins: A Biography, Melbourne VIC, Penguin, 2001, pp. 392.
Perkins has been one of the leading activists for Aboriginal rights. The freedom rides against discrimination in New South Wales and Perkins’ role in leading them are described in some detail.
See also: Burgmann, Power and Protest, chapter 1 ‘Black movement, white stubborness’, on land occupations, freedom rides, black power and tent embassy (G.a.).
Substantial political progress has been made in Canada through constitutional tactics and lobbying – the Inuit now have an autonomous territory, Nunavut. But there have also been direct action protests.
848. Gedicks, A. L. ‘International native resistance to the new resource wars’ in Bron Raymond Taylor (ed.), Ecological Resistance Movements, pp. 89-108 (G.5.a.).
Covers resistance by Cree and Inuit, supported by Kayapo Indians in Brazil and transnational green groups, to major hydro-electric project in Quebec.
849. Robertson, Heather, Reservations Are for Indians, Toronto, James Lewis and Samuel, 1970, pp. 303. Includes material on protest march and a ‘drink-in’ in 1960s.
850. Hazelhurst, Kayleen M., Political Expression and Ethnicity: Statecraft and Mobilization in the Maori World, Westport CT, Praeger, 1993, pp. 222.
<>Includes information on demonstrations; chapter 6 covers the Mana Motukhake protest group.
851. Walker, Ranginui, Ka Whawhai Tonu Motu: Struggle Without End, Auckland NZ, Penguin Books, 1990, pp. 334.
History of the Maori, including resistance to white occupation in nineteenth century; chapters 11-12 cover recent political protest, for example to protect land and fishing rights, and other forms of political activism.
852. Cohen, Fay G., Treaties on Trial: The Continuing Controversy over Northwest Indian Fishing Rights, Seattle, University of Washington Press, 1986, pp. 229. Covers protest ‘fish-ins’.
853. Deloria, Vine, Jr. Behind the Trail of Broken Treaties: An American Indian Declaration of Independence, Austin TX, University of Texas Press, 1985, pp. 296.
Covers developing activism in 1960s, protest caravan of 1972 and site occupations, including Wounded Knee.
854. Schragg, James L. ‘Report from Wounded Knee’, in Hare and Blumberg (eds.), Liberation Without Violence, pp. 117-24. (A.1.).
855. Smith, Paul Chaat and Robert Allen Warner, Like a Hurricane: The Indian Movement from Alcatraz to Wounded Knee, New York, New Press, 1996, pp. 343.
856. Steiner, Stan, The New Indians, New York, Harper and Row, 1968, pp. 220.
Since the demonstrations at Seattle in December 1999 a growing number of books have been published both by participants in the global justice movement and by mainstream publishers. There is also a lively theoretical debate between proponents and critics of neoliberalism, which is not covered here. Well known critics of neoliberalism include Benjamin Barber, Walden Bello, Alex Callinicos, Susan George, Naomi Klein and George Monbiot. For a critique of aspects of neoliberal policies from former World Bank chief economist see:
857. Stiglitz, Joseph, Globalization and its Discontents, London, Allen Lane, The Penguin Press, 2002, pp. 282.
A great strength of the movement is that it has brought together many from other social movements, who see their own goals threatened by neoliberal economic policies. The global justice movement also embraces the struggles of many indigenous peoples, and exploited workers and poor communities round the world. Although the focus is on social justice, the World Social Forum, and its European branch, the European Social Forum, which provide a policy platform for all participating groups, have also been important for the coordination of protests against the 2003 Iraq war. But diversity of movements entails diversity of ideologies and attitudes to nonviolence. For counter summit protests, there is an agreement on tactical ‘diversity’, which means respecting nonviolent actions but not imposing an overall nonviolent discipline.
Periodicals which support the global justice movement and supply information about both neoliberal policies and protests against them are:
New Internationalist (monthly), Red Pepper (monthly), Schnews (www.schnews.org.uk) and New Left Review (bi-monthly).
For advocacy of neoliberalism and critical but informative perspectives on protests see the weekly Economist.
858. Bircham, Emma and Charlton, John (eds.), Anti-Capitalism: A Guide to the Movement, London, Bookmarks Publications, 2000, pp. 407.
Collection of brief articles on key issues, protest by regions, key actors, and assessments by activists within ‘anti-globalization’ movement.
859.Crossley, N., ‘Global anti-corporate struggle: A preliminary analysis’, British Journal of Sociology, vol. 53 no. 4 (2002), pp. 667-91.
A preliminary sociological analysis of the ‘recent wave of anti-corporate protest’ seeking to outline framework and highlight important themes.
860.Development, Issue on ‘The Movement of Movements’, vol. 48 no. 2 (June 2005), pp. 1-121. Analysis of Social Forum processes, the nature of the global justice movement and the Zapatista experience. Includes list of key networks and individuals. NB Development, vol. 47 no. 3 (2004) is on ‘Corporate Social Responsibility’.
861. George, Susan, Another World Is Possible If…, London, Verso, 2004, pp. 268.
Committed political and economic analysis of the injustice and dangers of neoliberal globalization by a leading thinker and activist in the global justice movement. Includes a brief discussion of campaigns (Jubilee 2000, opposition to the Multilateral Agreement on Investment, summit protests) and ends with a chapter on why the movement should be nonviolent.
862. Goodman, James (ed.), Protest and Globalisation: Prospects for Transnational Solidarity, Annandale NSW, Pluto Press, 2002, pp. 276.
863. Graeber, David, ‘The new anarchists’, New Left Review, II no. 13 (Jan/Feb 2002), pp. 61-73.
864. Klein, Naomi, Fences and Windows: Dispatches from the Front Lines of the Globalization Debate, London, Flamingo, 2002, pp. 267.
Collection of articles documenting ‘anti-globalization’ protests at economic summits, developments in global neoliberal policies, attempts to prevent protest and comments on movements.
865. Klein, Naomi No Logo, London, Flamingo, 2001, pp. 490.
Now a classic analysis of the role of brands and sources of leverage on corporations, including extensive information on a range of campaigns, many including direct action. See also: Klein, Naomi, ‘Reclaiming the commons’, New Left Review, II no 9 (May/ June 2001), pp. 81-9.
866. Monbiot, George, Anticapitalism: AGuide to the Movement, London, Bookmarks, 2001, pp. 416.
867. Newell, Peter, ‘Campaigning for Corporate Change: Global citizen action on the environment,’ in Edwards and Gaventa (eds.), Global Citizen Action, pp. 189-201 (G.b.).
868. Notes from Nowhere (ed.), We Are Everywhere, London, Verso, 2003, pp. 521.
Extensive collection of brief articles on campaigns around the world using differing tactics and approaches.
869. Prokosh, Mike and Laura Raymond, The Global Activist’s Manual: Local Ways to Change the World, New York, Thunder Mouth’s Press/Nation Books, 2002, pp. 324.
Accounts of campaigns illustrating movement building and different types of action. Final section on ‘practical tips’ and list of organizations.
870. Sellers, John, ‘Raising a Ruckus’, New Left Review, II no 10 (July/Aug 2001), pp. 71-85.
On evolution of Ruckus out of Greenpeace.
871. Solnit, David (ed.), Globalize Liberation: How to Uproot the System and Build a Better World, San Francisco, City Lights, 2004, pp. 451.
Thirty three essays, mainly by US-based activists, on the new radicalism and direct action in the global justice movement.
872. Starhawk, Webs of Power: Notes from the Global Uprising, Gabriola Island, BC, New Society Publishers, 2003.
Part 1, The author, an activist and ecofeminist, chronicles the global justice movement from Seattle to Genoa. Part 2 explores the future of the movement and debates between advocates of violent and nonviolent tactics.
873. Starr, Amory, Naming the Enemy: Anti-Corporate Movements Confront Globalization, London, Zed Books, 1999, pp. 268.
Early analysis which both documents and theorizes the growing transnational resistance to multinationals and neoliberal globalization.
874. Welton, Neva and Linda Wolf (eds.), Global Uprising: Confronting the Tyrannies of the 21st Century, Gabriola Island BC, New Society Publishers, 2001, pp. 273.
See also: Kingsnorth, One No, Many Yeses, a personal account of a range of important campaigns against neoliberal globalization seen at first hand (F.1.).
875. Epstein, Barbara ‘Not your parents’ protest’, Dissent, vol. 47 (Spring 2000), pp 8-11.
876. Neale. Jonathan, You Are G8, We Are 6 Billion: The Truth Behind the Genoa Protests, London, Vision Paperbacks, 2002, pp. 275.
877. Morse, David, ‘Beyond the myths of Seattle’, Dissent, vol. 48 (Summer 2001), pp. 39-43.
See also: Klein, Fences and Windows, pp. 3-13 (Seattle), pp. 34-36 (Prague); Sellers, ‘Raising a Ruckus’, on role of Ruckus at Seattle (G.7.a.).
878. Lopez Levy, Marcella, We Are Millions: Neo-Liberalism and New Forms of Political Action in Argentina, London, Latin American Bureau, 2004, pp. 142.
Examines popular response to collapse of Argentine economy in December 2001, including banging pots and pans, mass marches and assemblies, development of ‘piqueteros’, neighbourhood assemblies, and workers taking over and running failed businesses.
879. McCabe, Patrice, ‘Argentina’s new forms of resistance’ in Solnit (ed.), Globalize Liberation (G.7.a.), pp. 339-46.
On ‘piqueteros’, December 2001 demonstrations and the popular assemblies.
880. Rock, David, ‘Racking Argentina’, New Left Review, II no. 17 (September/October 2002), pp. 55-86.
Analyses background and causes of the meltdown of the economy in 2001, considering Argentina’s role in the world economy and the impact of neoliberal policies.
881. Whitney, Jennifer and John Jordan, ‘Que se Vayan Todos: Argentina’s popular rebellion’ in Solnit (ed.), Globalize Liberation (G.7.a.), pp. 313-38.
882. Crabtree, John, Patterns of Protest: Politics and Social Movements in Bolivia, London, Latin American Bureau, 2005, pp. 118.
Analysis of October 2003 predominantly nonviolent rebellion which toppled the President, who had privatized large sections of the economy. The book also examines earlier protests, for example against water privatization in Cochabamba.
883. Dunkerley, James and Rolando Morales, ‘The crisis in Bolivia’, New Left Review, no, 155 (January/February 1986), pp. 86-106.
Examines the introduction of a neoliberal economic policy, and the initial worker resistance.
884. Schultz, Jim, ‘The water is ours, dammit!’, in Notes from Nowhere (ed.), We Are Everywhere, pp. 264-71.
On successful resistance to privatization of water (Bechtel company) in Cochabamba in early 2000.
885. Sawyer, Suzana, Crude Chronicles: Indigenous Politics, Multinational Oil and Neoliberalism in Ecuador, Durham NC, Duke University Press, 2004, pp. 294.
Against the backdrop of mounting government attempts to privatize and liberalize the national economy, Sawyer shows how neoliberal reforms led to a crisis of governance, accountability and representation that spurred one of 20th century Latin America’s strongest indigenous movements. An example of engaged anthropological research.
886. Desai, Ashwin, We Are the Poors: Community Struggles in Post-Apartheid South Africa, New York, Monthly Review Press, 2002, pp. 153.
On resistance to neoliberal policies and privatization in the townships, strikes, and the Durban Social Forum.
887. Mayekiso, Mzwanele, Township Politics: Civic Struggles in the New South Africa, New York, Monthly Review Press, 1996, pp. 288.
888. Ngwane, Trevor, ‘Sparks in the township’, New Left Review, II no. 22 (July/Aug 2003), pp. 37-56.
See also: Kingsnorth, One No, Many Yeses, pp. 89-123 (F.1.).
889. Brown, L.David, and Jonathan Fox, The Struggle for Accountability: NGOs, Social Movements, and the World Bank, Cambridge MA, MIT Press, 1998, pp. 570. See also: Brown, L. David and Jonathan Fox, ‘Transnational civil society coalitions and the World Bank: Lesson from project and policy influence campaigns’ in Edwards and Gaventa (eds.), Global Citizen Action, pp. 43-58 (G.a.).
890. Keck, Margaret E. and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics, Ithaca NY, Cornell University Press, 1998, pp. 228.
Focuses on opposition to World Bank loans to projects affecting indigenous peoples pp. 135-47.
See also: Palit, ‘Monsoon risings’ on Narmada dam protests and change of Bank policy (G.5.e).
891. Evans, Geoff, James Goodman and Nina Lansbury (eds.), Moving Mountains: Communities Confront Mining and Globalisation, London, Zed Books, 2002, pp. 284.
Discusses role of corporations and governments in different parts of the world. Chapters 8-12 focus on resistance in Bougainville, the Philippines and Australia – Chapter 12 (pp. 195-206) covers the resistance to the Jabiluka uranium mine by the local Aboriginal people supported by environmentalists.
892. Gedicks, Al, The New Resource Wars: Native and Environmental Struggles against Multinational Corporations, Boston MA, South End Press, 1993, pp. 270.
Examines struggles by the Ojibwa Indians against mining and over land tenure and the role of multinationals in Wisconsin.
See also: Keck and Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders, pp. 150-60 on campaign against deforestation in Sarawak by Dayaks, who barricaded logging roads (G.7.b.iii).
893. Cooper, Joshua, ‘The Ogoni struggle for human rights and a civil society in Nigeria’ in Zunes et al (eds.), Nonviolent Social Movements, pp. 189-202 (A.1.).
Account of one of the best known and documented campaigns against oil drilling which damages the local environment and communty, by the Ogoni people of Nigeria.
894. Hunt, Timothy J., The Politics of Bones: Dr Owens Wiwa and the Struggle for Nigeria’s Oil, Toronto, McClelland and Stewart, 2005, pp. 400.
Focuses on the brother of executed leader of the Ogoni movement, Kenule Sarowiwa, and his efforts to carry on the campaign.
895. Obi, Cyril I, ‘Globalization and local resistance: The case of Shell versus the Ogoni’ in Gills, Barry K. (ed.), Globalization and the Politics of Resistance, Basingstoke, Macmillan, 2000; Palgrave (paperback) 2001, pp. 280-94.
896. Yearley, Steve and John Forrester, ‘Shell, a target for global campaigning?’ in Cohen and Rai (eds), Global Social Movements, pp. 134-45 (G.b.).
See also Carter, Direct Action and Democracy Today, pp. 129-33. (A.1.); Howard Clark, ‘An obstacle to “progress”’, on the campaign by U’wa people in Colombia to prevent oil drilling, Peace News (Dec 2002-Feb 2003), pp. 12-13 (D.IV. Introduction, Colombia); and Sawyer, Crude Chronicles on Ecuador (G.7.b.ii).
897. Hale, Angela and Linda M. Shaw, ‘Women workers and the promise of ethical trade in the globalised garment industry: A serious beginning?’ in Peter Waterman and Jane Wills (eds.), Place, Space and the New Labour Internationalism, Oxford, Blackwell, 2001, pp. 206-26.<>
Discusses company codes of conduct introduced in response to ethical trade boycotts in west of products made with sweatshop labour, and analyses the global economic conditions undercutting such codes and the right to union organization.
898. Johns R. and L. Vural, ‘Class, geography and the consumerist turn: UNITE and the stop sweatshops campaign’, Economic Geography, vol. 74 (2000), pp. 252-71.
899. Ross, Andrew (ed,), No Sweat: Fashion, Free Trade and the Rights of Garment Workers, New York, Verso, 1997, pp. 256.
900. Young, Iris, ‘From guilt to solidarity: Sweatshops and political responsibility’, Dissent, (Winter 2003), pp. 39-44.
On US movement.
See also: Klein, No Logo, pp. 405-10 (G.7.a.).
901. Vidal, John, McLibel: Burger Culture on Trial, Basingstoke, Macmillan, 1997, pp. 354.
Detailed account of the trial of two members of London Greenpeace, who refused to withdraw a leaflet denouncing McDonald’s.
902. Bove, Jose, ‘A farmers’ international?’, New Left Review, II no 12 (Nov/Dec 2001), pp. 89-101.
Bove on resisting McDonald’s, the Confederation Paysanne and the farmers’ international, Via Campesina.
The Zapatistas, an armed movement to protect Mayan agriculture and culture from destruction by neoliberal policies, has increasingly relied on nonviolent methods and transnational solidarity and has become a symbol for the global justice movement. But there are other significant indigenous campaigns in Mexico and a wider resistance to elite policies. See: Latin American Perspectives: A Journal of Capitalism and Socialism, vol. 32, no. 4 (July 2005) which focuses on Mexico.
903. Harvey, Neil, ‘Globalisation and resistance in post-cold war Mexico: Difference, citizenship and biodiversity conflicts in Chiapas’, Third World Quarterly, vol. 22, no. 6 (2001), pp. 1045-1061.
Discusses Zapatistas and other indigenous organizations to show how resistance relates to struggle for collective rights and more inclusive form of democracy.
904. Holloway, John and Eloina Pelaez (eds), Zapatista! Reinventing Revolution in Mexico, London, Pluto, 1998, pp. 216. See also his exposition of Zapatismo: Holloway, John, Change the World Without Taking Power: The Meaning of Revolution Today, London Pluto, 2nd edition 2005, pp. 288.
905. Marcos, Subcommandante ‘Punch card and hourglass’, Interview with Gabriel Garcia Marquez and Roberto Pombo, New Left Review, II no. 9 (May/June 2001), pp. 69-80.
906. Nash, June, ‘The war of peace: Indigenous women’s struggles for justice in Chiapas, Mexico’ in Susan Eva Eckstein and Timothy Wickham Crowley (eds.), What is Justice? Whose Justice? Fighting for Fairness in Latin America, Berkeley, University of California Press, 2003, pp. 285-312.
907. Olesen, Thomas, International Zapatismo: The Construction of Solidarity in the Age of Globalization, London, Zed Books, 2005, pp. 256.
See also: Kingsnorth, One No, Many Yeses, pp. 3-45 (F.5.), Klein,’Rebellion in Chiapas’, Fences and Windows, pp. 208-23, and Marentes, Cynthia P., ‘No borders: In community with the indigenous peoples of Chiapas’ in Welton and Wolf (eds.), Global Uprising, pp. 144-9, and Reinke, Leanne, ‘Utopia in Chiapas? Questioning disembodied politics’, in Goodman (ed) Protest and Globalisation, pp. 75-87 (G.7.a.).
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Click on table of contents below to continue browsing the bibliography
- Foreword by Paul Rogers, Acknowledgements, About the Compilers
- General Introduction
- A. Introduction to Nonviolent Action
- B. Elements of Nonviolent Resistance to Colonialism After 1945
- C. Campaigns for Rights and Democracy in Communist Regimes
- D. Resisting Rigged Elections, Oppression, Dictatorship, or Military Rule
- E. Campaigns for Cultural, Civil and Political Rights
- F. Campaigns for Social and Economic Justice
- G. Nonviolent Action in Social Movements
- H. Bibliographies, Websites and Library Resources
- I. Preparation and Training for Nonviolent Action
- Author and subject index to bibliography - omitted from html version but included in pdf
- Supplement to bibliography, March 2007
- Ongoing online updates to bibliography